Created: 5/12/1960

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Premlor Tambronl'a caretaker Christian Democratic government in Italy faces continued attack from the small democratic parties which backed earlier governments? and possible revolt by Christian Democrats who object to his parliamentary dependence on the neo-Fasciste.

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Tho rocently formed cabinet of Fernando Tambronl ie unique among postwar Italian governments in that his Christian Democratic party is dependent for Its majority in the lower house on the oeo-Fascist Italian Social This development, which came about over vehement Objections both in and outside tho ruling Christianparty, has focused renewed attention on thetruggle of Italian fascism to reassert and rehabilitate itself. The neo-Fasclsts, proponents of an authoritarian, nationalist, anti-Communist solution for Italy's political difficulties, can hope to profit from continuance of tbe stalemate within tho Christian Democratic party.



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hristian Democraticfaces continued attack from the snail democratic parties which backed earlier governments, and possible revolt byDemocrats who object to his parliamentary dependence on the neo-Fascists.

Democratic Socialist leader Saragat had urged that theof Deputies reopen thedebate on the grounds that Tambroni achieved histhrough two inconsistent positions: he accepted neo-Fascist support in the lower house, but repudiated it in the Senate, where heajority without if. Chamber President Leone,hristian Democrat, ruled, however, that Tambroni had fulfilled constitutionalSlnply tiyajority in both houses.

In addition to theSocialists, spokesmen for the Republicans, Liberals, and Nenni Socialists opposed Leone's decision, but did not challenge it formally. as made of the constitutional requirement that approval by both houses of parliament must be obtained within ten

a premier's investiture.'s government was invested onarch, but the Senate vote did not take place untilpril.

Even if tho Christiancanarty crisis at their national council meet-



obstacles in the lower house, where theof several importantdoes not reflect the majority combination ofDemocrats and neo-Fascists on which Tambroni depends.

Some center politiciansthe Tambroni regime may seriously endanger parliamentary government, and that Tambroni himself would not be averse to using extrauonstitutlonal tacticsa show of force by tne Carabinieri or by hoodlums from among his neo-Fascistan attempt to remain in power. ituation might arise after the budget isif there is then pressure from left-wingroader legislative program than Tambroni could enact with his present allies.



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recently formedof Fernando Tambronl ie unique among postwar Italian governments in that hisDemocratic party isfor its majority in the lower house on the neo-Fascist Italian Social Movementhis development, which came about over vehement objections both in and outside tbe ruling Christian Democratic party, has focused renewed attention on the long struggle of Italian fascism to reassert anditself. As proponents of an authoritarian, nationalist, anti-Communist solution for Italy's political difficulties, the neo-Fascists can hope to profit from continuance of the division within the Christian Democratic party.

Postwar Development

At the end of World War II, most Fascists from the Mussolini era sought refuge in other

political groupings. Including the Communist and Christian Democratic parties. mall hard core, however, joiued a

new group, the Common Man party, which was later absorbedepublican Revolutionary Action group. In this became tbe Italian Social

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beaded by Mussolini's secretary of popular culture. The oarly MSI strossedaims, used strong-arm tactics against moderates as well as Communists, andwith the Communists in supportill to deprive tbe security forces of The MSI survivedattempts to outlaw it, but in tbe first national electionst polled lessercent of the voto and elected five deputies.

During the nextears the growing influence of the party's conservative wingin fewer electoral alli-

ances with tho Communists and more with the Monarchists. It wonercent of the vote in the local elections, and came close toalance-of-power positionthe Communists andDemocrats ln some local governments. 3 it electedeputies to the nationalhouse, in8 national elections, however, with atrend to the center-loft, it had declined to lessercent of the vote and 24 It nevertheless remains the fourth largest partyarliament wbere at least ten political groups are generally represented.

Supporting Program

In general, the MSI appeals to down-at-the-heel. aristocrats petty bourgeoisie anxious to clean up city hall, and protest voters unwilling to support the parties of the left. Supporters

also include refugees fromItalian overseas territories, noncommissioned officers, and civil servants, as well as shopkeepers and artisansby the postwar changes in the Italian economy. Subject to sharp divergencies among its hoodlum and conservativethe MSI ls at the same time nationalist, corporativismanti-Marxist, and antl-capltallst. In general it isact which has not deterred former Catholic Action chief Luigi Gedda fromsuccessfully inDemocraticalliances with the MSI.

Like theand bothparties, the neo-Fascists at first were stronglyto the North Atlantic Treaty. The MSI now pays lip service to NATO and has tried to improve its relations with US Embassy. Nevertheless, party supporters are still bitter oyer the American the collapse of fascism, and the neo-Fascist paper Borgheae describedEisenhower on his European trip last fall asurderer who comes back to the scene of bis crime."

The neo-Fascists opposed EDC; they now object to the supranational aspects of the European Community. ense, the issue of nationalism has been dimmed by Europe'sefforts at integration, and lost colonies, too, arean old story; corporativism ls still ant the' same time, remnants of fascism remain alive in most of Western Europo--as shown by tho anti-Semitic outbursts of the past winter.. Italy retains the dubious prestige of havingfascism, even though others may have administered it more efficiently, and Italian



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maintain relations vith those In other countries through attendance at periodic international meetings such as that at Malmo, Swoden,

Domestically, the MSI is troubled by competition onof tbe Issues for which It stands. The Communistsonopoly on anticapitalisnt, the Christian Democrats on anti-Marxism. The lay democraticSociala more respectable home for anti-clericals. Practicallyis republican, eventhe monarchist parties, both of which have formally become the Italian Democratic party.

Nevertheless,the neo-Fas-cistsasio Italian nostalgia for internationaland for the standingreat power. Italianls undergoing esult of Italian resentment over nonpartlcipa-tion in great-power conferences and over US coolness toward the Italian state-owned oil EMI, and its holdings abroad. Because the democratic tradition ls not deeply rooted in Italy, there is

Current Situation

nostalgia also for an authoritarian central government which can Impose order.

There has been-a

rapid comeback ofin virtually every field ofuniversity professors, elans, businessmen, andwhile lo the diplomaticFascists had simply on. Fascists also iny fraction of labor. No stigma is attached today ln business and social life to the espousal of Fascist Ideas, and aof fairly prominentDemocrats were onceFascists. Fascist Marehal Giovanni Messe, Rommel's ln the Tunisian ishristiansenator.


I nil*.

h he

The party got its first real break7 when Zoli reluctantly one neo-Fascist vote as part of his majorityhe lower house. By the time Segni'shristiancabinet was formed inthe rightistsupplying it parliamentary support--MSI influence onGovernment policy was becoming increasingly apparent. Segni's labor minister was the first toeeting of the neo-Fasclst labor confederation. Italy's attitude toward the touchy South Tirol minority seemed to toughen under the nationalistic influence of the neo-Fasclsts, and- military visits to Spain were stepped up.

The HSI is not yet entirely respectablearty, however, and the Monarchists brokenlty-of-action pact for




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reaaoa. Limited working alliances between the Christian Democrats and the MSI haveInocal governments, including Milan, Gonoa, and the regional government of Sicily. The neo-Pascists recentlyto withdraw and precipitate crises in these governments If the Christian Democrats shouldenter-left government at the national level. ational holiday commemoratinghof Rome's liberation

by the Allies in World War II, the Christian Democratic mayor of Boste was "out of town" and so avoided offending the neo-fascists by being present for the ceremonies and parade.

Whan tbe Liberal party withdrew its support of tho Segnl government in February, Segnl resigned rather thansolely on neo-Fascist and Monarchist votes. Fernando Tanbroai, however, has nowtbeouch ofby accepting neo-Fascist backing for his "administrative" cabinet against the opposition

of all other parties except his own. Thus the MSI now can poseatriotic supporter of the government in time of emergency.

General Raffaele Cadorna, celebrated leader of the antl-Fasclst wartime resistance,voted in the Senate Id favor of Tambroni's neo-Fascistupported government andhis membership In the association of Italianfighters. His actionwill not be questioned by the ' post-Mussoliniwhich never participated in the anti-Fascistfighting thatso favorably with the efficiency of the Italian armod forces in World War II.


The MSI's long-range prospects are not bright, as its leaders, who are not strong, have the problem of holding together itsandwings. Neither the present party secretary, Arturo Mlchelini, nor his colleague and pred- -ecessor Augusto de Marsanlch, has succeeded in catching the public Nevertheless, the anarchic state of Italian politics offers the MSI two possibleto exert strong influence on the government.

It can hope to profit from rising tensions between agovernmenteftistwhich could build upightist coup aimed at preventing an "opening" to the Socialists. Neo-Fascist bully boys would probablyajor element of any extremist venture headed by figures such as former


Minister Pacciardl or Senate President Merzagora, who appear to have right-wingleanings.

Ifoup doee notthe neo-Fascists can hope to exert ideological influence more gradually in their role as allyhristian Democratic party apparently determined to stay in power at all costs. the quest for makes them initially

Inexpensive allies, they would eventuallyuid pro quo, possibly involvingof certain keypositionsoreItalian foreign policy. Because of the stigma still attached to thetheir Inclusion in tbe government could be expected to bringeaction on the part of thooward the extreme left.



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