Created: 11/15/1967

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I. The Peace Movement: Confusion, Coordination, and


II. Nature of tho International Contacts

III. Coordinating the Internationalecord of Foreign Contacts

Peace Groups with SignificantContacts

Organizations Participating inwar Activities

Hote; Thia Btudy was prepared by the Office of

Current Intelligence with the assistance of

the Clandeotina Services. It is based in part on material supplied by the national Security Agency, tha Federal Bureau of the intelligence services of the US Army, Navy, and Air Force, and other offices of CIA's Directorate of Intelligence The paper has been coordinated only with the Clandestine Services of CIA.



CIA has reviewed the information immediately available from all sources on the US peace movement and ita international connections. The following principal findings emerge from this study:

ia the most strikingof tho peace movement at homo Indood it ia thla very diversityit impossible to attach specificideological labels to any si<jnificantthe movement. Diversity means that thoresingle focus in the movement. Joint actioninternational scale is possible onlyis handledmall group ofmen, most of them radically oriented,volunteered themselves for activethe key organizations. andful ofcoordinate tho activities and propelof larg" heterodox masses toward apurpoH^s.

coordinators of the peacesuch as Dollinger, Hayden,tireless, peripatetic, full time


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They have the requisite funds for travel; they simplify the interaction among the peace groups byultiplicity of offices and establishing interlocking personal contacts between groups. Many have closeassociations but they do not appear to bo under Communist direction. In any case their purposes in so far as the war in Vietnam is coincide with those of the Communists. Thus, the Communist Party of the USA benefits from anti-US activity by Peace groups but does not appear to be inspiring them or directing them.

C. Contact Detween_ Hanoi_ and the leaders of the US peace movement has developedoint whore it is now almost continuous.

D. Apart from contacts with the Hanoi officialdom, US peace activists by and large do





not deal with foreign governments. Theirarc with foreign, private Institutions such as the Bertrand Buosell Poace Foundation and othor international peace federations. Moscow exploits and may indeed Influence the US delegates to these bodies, through its front organizations, but theleast at thiscovert or overt connections between these US activists and foreign governments are limited.


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The American peace "movement" is not one but many movements; and th* groups involved are as varied as they are numerous. The most striking single characteristic of the peace front is its diversity. Many Holds and Many Motives

Under tho peace umbrella one finds pacifists anddealists and materialists,and isolationists, democrats and totali-tarians, conservatives and revolutionaries,and socialists, patriots and subversives, lawyers and anarchists, Stalinists and Trotskyites, Muscovites and Pekingese, racists and universalists, zealots and nonbolievers, puritans and hippies, do-gooders and evildoers, nonviolent and very violent.

One thing brings them all together: their opposition to US actions in Vietnam. They do not join up for the same reasons, of coursei there are as many motives as there are groups. And theyon different levels: some motives areinspired ind professional while others are

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personal, some are focused on Vietnamwhile others are related to tho war only incidentally.

explanation for the diversityand outlook is the fact that thesentiment has taken root in separatethe society having little else in common.

In addition to the professional pacifists,com* from the student world, fromelements of the Negro and other minorityfrom the labor movement, and from the intellectual sphere. In some cases--the civil rights and labor movementsrank and file ara largely disinterested in international problemfi. But their leaders nay not boj some are as active as the intellectual and studentboth at home and abroad. Each projectB his own personal attitudes and prejudices, whicharo not representative of tho group he speaXs for.

advocates of "Black Power" are a Their specialized interest when ItVietnam is not peace, but the war as aof tho "liberation strugglo." They make


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effort to relate the Vietnam problem to their non-whiteWorld," focusing particularly on the position of the Negro serving in Vietnam and on resistance to the draft, while joining in certain aspects of the peace campaign, the "Black Power" elements remain aloof from the leftist mainstream. The Coordinators

of such diversity cones muchmoreittle disagreement. Strainsboth on the hone front and in theiractivities. The job of coordinating

a program of joint action, first within the OS and then internationally, is an enormous one. Given the strains and complications involved, theof the coordinators is impressive.

factors make the task easiermight seem. These factors also have aon the orientation and direction of Most mportant Ls tha fSCt that for coordination and tacticalis delegatedmall staff of keypeople are dedicated activists and seemwhere they are going.


factor is the interlocking structure of the peace groups. umber of the key activists arein more than one organization, and there is considerable interaction among the executives. The problem of lining up many diverse groups and coordinating action is thus simplified to some degree.

S. The main mechanism for coordinating both domestic and foreign protest activity related to Vietnam has been the "mobilizationut of the Student Mobilization Committoe6 evolved the Spring Mobilization Committeehich tn turn was succeeded by the present National Mobilization Coramittee (NKC) . The officersto the executive bodies of the NKC are numerous, reflecting tho coalition's broad base, but the real responsibility seems to be concentrated in the handsew. The names of these key coordinators turn up regularly, wherever thehappens to be.

Ideology of the Left, Old and New

9. An the peace groups have coalesced over the past year and half, ideological lines have become so blurred as to render conventional political

classifications worthless. The various Jointgroups are so conglomerate that it isto stamp them with any one label without qualification. Control is the only validand evidence of control by any one element is what is usually lacking. The peace movement, and even most of its constituent parts, is too big and too amorphous to be controlled by any one political faction.


10. In terms of the political spectrum and international connections, the activists generally range from somewhere left of canter to thelimit of tho Left. Many are Marxist-oriented, but the Marxists come in all colors. Take the Communists: the "orthodox" Moscow-oriontedtho Peking-influencednd tho self-oriented Trotskyltcs are allactive in the Vietnam protest activity. It would be surprising if they were not since theof tho movement are consistent with the national interests of the USSR and Communist China. The peace movement can be described in ideological terns only if one political element is dominant orontrolling influence. areful review


of too evidence available on both domostic and foreign activity does not substantiate either conclusion in tho case of any of the groups.

This is not to say that the Consnunist role is not substantial. Both the individual peace groups and the coordinating organizations are well infiltrated with Communists of one stripe or another. Assets of the OS communist Party (CPUSA) arcommonly noted. In the case of certain groups, particularly in the student field, thorevolutionaries (directed by the Socialist Workers Party) or the Maoists (Progressive Labor Party) predominate. These Marxist groups harbor deep hostilities toward each other; often in fact they seem more concerned about countering each other than about countering the non-Communists.

esult of their infiltration of the leadership of key peace groups, the Communists manage to exert disproportionate influence over the groups' policies and actions. It remains doubtful, however, that this influence is Most of the Vietnam protest activity would be there with or without the Communist

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element. The CPUSA, in other words, is exploiting and benefiting from anti-government activity, but it does not appear to be inspiring it or directing it.

13. The non-Communist sector known as the "radical left" is heavily engaged in the campaign. Its organizations are non-exclusive and its branches autonomous, which makes them vulnerable toinfiltration. For example, the Studentsemocratic Societyerhaps the most active of the major organizations (seepens its doors officially to Communists along with others of "progressive" inclination. Although plainly radical, the convictions espoused by the SDS and its intellectual arm, the RadicalProjectake it clear, however, that SDS leaders are not interested in "pre-packaged ideology" or excessive Communist guidance. These militants, who identify themselves as the New Left, generally look onthose with foreignnot only suspect but rather old-hat.

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X- Moot of the contacts between US and foreign groups on Vietnam are private, that is with persons and organizations not directly connected withgovernments. The contacts with Hanoi, which are traced in Section III, represent the only evidence wc have of extensive dealings withofficials. In the Public Domain

The key activists are on the move much of the time. There is ample opportunity therefore for consultation with counterparts abroad. Regular communication is maintained through wires, letters and publications as well. These informal contacts arc further cultivated at the more formalconferences which the peace organizations sponsor at regular intervals.

American students resident abroad also provide an important channel for coordinating US activity with foreign activity. In some capitals US students have formed their own protestwhich function as subsidiaries of the NMC.

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in London and the Paris American committee to Stop War. Other centers of student activity are Berlin, Stockholm, Tokyo, and Mexico City.

from these major centers ofcurrent check of all foreign countries whererepresentatives has turned up little orof contact between US citizens andprotest groups. In one or twofrom those mentioned above, we haveappeals from the NMC in New Yorkorganizations abroad to mobilize

Governmental Contacts

of overt or covertUS activists and foreign governmentsM

If such clandestine Communist connections do exist, thoy are likely to be indirect. They

would be wired through the extensive circuits of

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front organizations and national parties. It can

be assumed, for example, that substantial Soviet

influence andapassed

; via the CPUSA to the American student movement i

j through the Communist-controlled Du Bois Clubs

j of America and to other groups via the Tri-Con-

! tinental Information Center (TCIC) (see

; We have seen no evidence that anything more is


' being passed, except possibly soma airline tickets.

The secretary general of tho CPUSA has been involved in several contacts betweenpeace groups and Hanoi, as related in Section III, Moscow's underwriting of the Stockholm peace conference last July is also noted there.

Peking and Havana have lent some assistance to the anti-US campaign, butuch smaller scale than Hanoi or Moscow. Both capitals are often on the itineraries of traveling peacemakers and Liberation War-mongers. In addition, Robert Williams, the American defector who lives in Peking, is in intermittent contactumber of US anti-war organizations and "Black Power" groups.

Clandestine contact overseas would be facilitated by the fact, noted in the previous

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section, that the responsibility for international coordination rests in the handsew dedicatod activists. These itinerant coordinators personally have close Communist and ultraradicalew are reported to have calledind or to have endorsed Communism in some fashion.*

have no evidence, however, that thoyany direction other than their own. Itnoted that this probably would not be evidentdid, since their voluntary activitiesand Chinese interests about as well asif they were controlled. umber of theclearly are willing to allow themselves

to be used by foreign governments, but it Isto judge how insidious their motives are.

might prove control or directionevidence of relationships involving more than

3 tiavid Vellingor, the leading US peace activist, etated in3 that he was ommuniet, but not of the Sovietccordingeliable FBI eouree. Althoughemberolitical party, Dellinger has been continuously associated with paeifiet organisations einoeo and later with the Trotskyite Socialist Workers Party and various Communist front groups. He is also noted for his involvement in pro-Caotro




cooperation freely given, such as funding, secret directives, communications aids, blackmail, and the like. Our examination of the evidence available to us at this time has produced very little one way or another on this subject.


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development over the past year of anorchestrated campaign to rallyagainst US actions in Vietnam. ariety of individuals, organizations, and programs have been involved in these contacts, but only two threads can be traced throughout the pattern. One represents the efforts of individuals active in theCommittees to organize popularwhich culminated in the world-wide protest marches ofctober; the other represents the development of the "war crimes tribunal" staged by the Bertrand Russell Peace Foundationhich will hold its second and more spectacular session next month. Among names frequentlythat of David Dellinger stands out, largely because of his special role as coordinator and international intermediary and because he is


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only leader prominently involved in both of the activities mentioned above.

2. Close personal coordination between US activists and the North Vietnamese appears to have begun The DRV at that time invited Herbert Aptheker, prominent CPUSA theoretician and Director of the American Institute for Marxist Studies, to visit Hanoi. Aptheker in turn suggested that he be accompanied by Staughton Lynd, former Yale Professoreader of the US Committee forAction (CNVA), and Thomas Hayden, acivil rights workerounder of the SDS. The trio visited Hanoi inn tho course of this trip they spent four days in Moscow and three days in Peking, in late January, after their trip was completed, CPUSA chief Gus Hall reportedly commented that the mission had boosted the party's prestige markedly, adding that this favorable atmosphore should be exploited to



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* fJie Vietnam Peace Ccvmitteeorth Vietnamese government agency apparently responsible forand coordinating international protest activity.

included four American wonon invited in December to check on US bombing of residential areas, three clergymen (including Muste) mission of in earlynd the Ashmoro-Baggs-Quintanilla mission in January under the auspices of the Center for Studios of Democraticat Santa Barbara. In the latter part of January, two AmericanJohnson and PaulHanoi. Arriving with Russell



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Johnson onanuary were Wilfred Burchett, Australian Communist journalist, and Ralph Schocn-man, the American who serves as Director of the Russell Peace Foundation. Shortly thereafter the Quaker action group in the US notified the Stato Department that the yacht Phoenix wouldconfrontation- by sailing to North Vietnamhipment of medical supplies.





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The Russell Foundation meanwhile was busy with preparations For the first session of its "International War Crimes Tribunal" hich was heldoay in Stockholm.

to importance Hanoi attaches to this charadeehicle for promoting world and American opposition to US policies has been made


Dellinger arrived in the North Vietamese capital onay. With him was Nickeader of SDS. Talks with North Vietnamese officials during this two-week visit resultedroposal toonference later in the summerumber of US activists representing student, Hegro, and assorted pacifist groups andof the DRV and the NLFSV. The outcome of this proposal was the Bratislava Conference in September (see below).

Moscow had been concentrating for some timeajor international conclave of peace groups scheduled for Stockholm in July (not to bewith the Stockholm session of the IWCT in May).

Although the meeting was held nominally under the auspiceswedish organization, it was inspired and dominated by the World Council of

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Peacehe Soviet bloc's aging andpeace front. Tho Stockholm Conferenceajor propaganda play by Moscow, designed to embarrass tho US but at the same time to move the Vietnam problem closer to the conferonco table. Despite its reputation as an instrument of tho Soviet Government, tho KCP had managed toarge number of legitimate pacifist groups by exploiting widespread sontiment against the Vietnam war. Like allew of the mixed Americanhe majority of delegates shared the WCP's moderate approach to the problem aimedompromise settlement. Moscow failed, however, to allow for tho Vietnamese. Hanoi's determined delegation paralyzed the conference by rofusing to budgeaxe-it-or-leave-it position that no settlement was possible except on the basis of the Four and Five Points. Pewwere willing to oppose the Vietnamese actively.

^ American views ranged from the radical Peking-oriented position of Rav. James Bevel, representing the Spring Mobilisation Committee, to the modarata Quaker position of the American Friends Service Committee. The extreme "Black Power" groupsdid not participate in the Stockholm(in contrast to their strong presence at the later Bratislava meeting). One of the "star" delegates at Stockholm was SAME'S Dr. Spook, but he was noted chiefly ^luring the conferenoe for

going sailing.




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conference ended almost before it started with the deep divisions in the peace movement laid bare for all to see. Moscow could count nothing for its effortemporary refurbishing of the WCP's standing in the international peace community.

14. For the US peace coalition, the Stockholm conference was useful in providing an opportunity to strengthen its contacts with antiwar groups throughout the world. The way was thus prepared for closer coordination of protest activity on an international scale. The meeting also enabled the Americans to continue their dialogue with the North


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Little information is available on what transpired at Bratislava beyond discussion of the planned demonstrations.

16. umber of the US participants flew to Hanoi after the conference wound up. These

several representatives of SDS led by




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17. Also in October the North Vietnamese Women's Union issued their invitation to throo members of the WSP (see appendix A) for discussions on "their joint struggle against violence." The day after their return to the US onctober, Dagmar Wilson and her WSP vanguard staged ain Washington against the draft.



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efforts culminated in the demonstrations ofctober, but did not end there. ovember, Thomas Ifayden was back in Phnom Penh, and there is every reason to surmise that contacts between the peace organizations and Hanoi are continuing as before.


The NMC, principal sponsor of the October peace demonstration in Washington,irect outgrowth of the Spring Mobilization Committee to End the War in VietnamMC was formed to coordinate the demonstration in7 against tho Vietnam War and the draft.

The NMC is not an action group. It is aoutfit responsible for disseminatingand literature to other peace groups and to the public at large. It coordinates demonstrations,necessary permits, negotiates with civilfor facilities, and provides legal assistance when needed. Except for the few paid professional executives, the NMC can be categorized simplyollection of local peace groups.

Communist penetration of the organization isat several levels, but the NMC is soin its make-up and organizationally loose, that it is not anark for classic Communist

Many members of the NMC leadership, including Chairman David Dellinger and Vice Chairman Jerry Rubin, have known and associated with Communists and Communist-front groups over the years.

Both Dellinger and Rubin are also strongof Castro and his movement.

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SDS, formedadical "New Left" student organizationilitant line on domestic and foreign issues. It claims to haveembershapters on college campusesthe US. SDS membership is open to all, including Communists.

SDS works closely on college campuses with the. Du Bois Clubs of America. Although the CPUSA places members in key positions in the SDS, it is unable to control the organization on its policies, largoly becauseuilt-in resistance to Communist domination. SDS has boon saluted by Gus Kail, CPUSA General Secretary,art of the "responsible left." In some ways SDS views are more radical than those of the Moscow-line Communists.

SDS considersbroad" movement, designed to attract people with diverse views and interests concerning such issues as peace, civil rights, poverty, and educational reform. SDS has concerned itself especially with protesting the draft, denouncing the US presence in Viotnam, and "radically" transforming university life and the "decadent" American Way of Life in general.


The REP is the intellectual arm of SDS. It was established by SDS6 as an independent education, research and publication organizationto the cause of "democratichich has been commonly dubbed the New Left in America. REP is incorporatedon-profit, educational organization.

Although claiming to be non-partisan, REP does "identify" with the "forces of radical democracy in America and abroad." REP's vision of the future calls for scrapping capitalism and the American

The REP plans toetwork of people, I both in tho US and abroad, to serve the movement as

rapid "sources of intelligence" on issues as they j develop. Such persons, including scholars, joumal-| ists, and youth leaders, will be expected to provide first-hand reports and analysis on insurgentand similar international developments. In this I way the REP ho;>es to challenge "official truth" and ; to develop opposition resources.

The REP is already involved with SNCC and other organizations inatin American affairs institute. This institute is to coordinate research, monitor information and maintain contacts in this hemisphere. The REP reportedly has contacts alnc In Canada, Japan, most European countries, and keeps in touch with the Viet Cong and African



The TCIC was established in6 as the resultroposal by Gus Hall, Secretary General of the CPUSA. Hall urged that the Party form an "anti-imperialist" organizational center to maintain contact with world peace forces, the Communist-front world Peace Council and other centers in Latin America and Asia.

The TCIC appears to be almost completely under tho domination of tho CPUSA, which named its director and provides its contacts. TCIC putsulletin which Hall has ordered passed to Communist parties around the world. Recruitment of TCIC personnel is under the direct control of the CPUSA.

The TCIC helped to organize US participation in the Stockholm conference against the war in Vietnam last July. TCIC Director Mike Myersonthe conference.

TCIC has been particularly active in thefor Puerto Rican independence. The Center participated in an island-wide march to protest the war in Vietnam and the drafting of Puerto Ricans

for service in Vietnam.

Dr. Benjamin Spock ember of TCIC's advisory board.

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SNCC was one of the (tarlicst groups tothe call for "Black Power." Through the energies of its demagogic leaders, Stokely Carmichael and il. Rap Brown, SNCC has become the leadingof militant Negro action.

SNCC has become involvod via the back door in the campaign against the war in Vietnam. Itsnowoint of trying to turnagainst the US Government, particularly with respect to the draft and service in Vietnam.

Carmichael recently has traveled extensively throughout the "Thirdn addi'ion to North Vietnam and Cuba, railing against US "imperialism" and domestic repression. SNCC will bo well represented, as it was at the Bratislava Conference in September, at any activity which offershance to expound on its concepts of guerrilla warfare and racial violence.

6. women STRIKE FOR PEACE (wsp)

The wsp was founded1ationally organized, women's pacifist organization especially opposed to American actions in Vietnam. The WSP is open to women of all political views who are interested in world peace. It has no officers. Known Communists are associated with the group.

Several women prominently associated with the WSP have maintained contact with Hanoi since visiting there on the invitation of the Vietnam Women's Union. Among these are Dagmar Wilson and Mary Clarke, who have participated actively in ocent demonstrations.

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The WRL, headquartered in New York City, is the American affiliate of War Realsters(WRI). The WRi dates back to thea andong record of helping pacifists and their national organizations around the world in working for peace and in aiding conscientious objectors financially and in other ways.

Although the WRLon-partisan pacifist organization of long standing, recently it has been active in promoting resistance to the draft and desertion from the US forces. It has emerged as ono of the more active overt agencies assisting US servicemen who wish to desert their posts.




The BRPF cannot be classified as an American "peace" organization per se. ubstantial number of US citizens are involved in this activity, and particularly in its offspring, the "International War Crimes Tribunal" (IWCT). The major operator in both organizations is Ralph B. Schoenman, thewho is Lord Russell's personal secretary.

The BRPF, which Schoenman serves as director, has been described by Lord Russell as an organization "to investigate the causes of the Cold War and to pursue such measures as may diminish ond eliminate the risk of war." Despite these aims, the BRPF rarely takes an objectivo approach to international problems. Its principal activities, largely governed by Schoenman, involve agitation against alleged us "imperialism" and advocacy of "Che Guevara" type revolutionary movements. (The latter interestprompted Schoenman's recent excursion to Bolivia, from where he was deported to the US.)

Schoenman can perhaps best be described ss an extreme leftist with Trotskyite tendencies. His views are so "red" that even the British Communist Party regards him with little enthusiasm.

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Citizens of Conscience, Washington Heights and Inwood

Cleveland Area Peace Action Council

Committeeane Nuclear Policy

Committee for Direct Action to End the War in Vietnam

Committee for Independent Political Action

Committee for Non-Violent Action

Committee of Returned Volunteers (Peace Corps)

Committee on Democratic Education

Committee to Aid the Vietnamese People

Committee to End the War in Vietnam

Committee to End the War in Vietnam, university of Wisconsin

Communist Party of the USA

Congress of Racial Equality

Connecticut Area Mobilization Committee

Delaware Concerned Citizens About Vietnam


Direct Action Committee

East Coast Front for United Action

Education Action Mobilization

Emma Lazarus Federation of Jewish Women's Clubs New Haven Branch

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Episcopal Poaco Fellowship

Faculty-StudonC Committee To Stop the War in Vietnam

Fifth Avenue Vietnam Peace Parade

Foreign Policy Council at New York Democrats Vietnam Dollar Fund

Friends Peace Committee

Greater Seattle Committee of Clergy and Laymen Concerned about Vietnam

Henry Forbes Club

Houston Citizens for Action on Vietnam

Hyde Park Committee to End the War in Vietnam

Individuals Against the Crime of Silence

Inter-Univarsity Coimuittee for Debate on Poreign Policy

Italian Committee of the Vietnam Day Committee (Associazione del Lavoratori Christian!)

Kansas City Area Committee to End the War in Vietnam

Labor Committee To End the War in Vietnam

Luthern Campus Center for the University of Washington

Milwaukee Organizing Committee

Milwaukee Young Socialists

Minnesota Mobilization Committee


Mobilization Against War

National Citizens Campaign for New Initiatives to End the war in Vietnam

National Committee, Communist Party of the USA

National Conference for New Politics

National Continuations Committee

National Coordinating Committee to End the War in Vietnam

Northwest Convention of Federated Auxiliary of International Longshoremen and Warehousemen's


Northwest Regional Conference to End the War in Vietnam

Negotiate Now!

New York Peace Mobilizations Peace Action Council

Peris American Committee to Stop the War in Vietnam (PACS)

Peace and Freedom Movement

Princeton Ad Hoc Committeo to Bring about Negotiations in Vietnam

Progressive Labor Party, Puerto Rican Club

Port Chicago Peace vigil

Port Chicago Vigil

Portland Committee to End the war in Vietnam

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El UltlICI

Puerto Rican Independence Movement Resist

Resistance, (The)

Revolutionary Committee of tho Fourth International

San Antonio Committee To Stop the War in Vietnam

San Prancisco State College

Seattle Spring Mobilization Committee

Sixth AD Club

Socialist Labor Party

Socialist Workers Party

Southern Christian Leadership Conference Spartacist

Spokane Committee for Peaco in Vietnam (also Spokane Citizens for Peace in Vietnam)

Spring Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam

Students emocratic Society

Students for Socialist Action

Students Mobilization Committee

Students National Spring Mobilization

Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee

Student Peace Union

Student Strike for Peace Conference



Women's International League for Peace and Freedom

Women's Peace and Unity Club, Chicago Women Strike for Peace Women's World Party Workers World Party World Workers Party

Yellow Springs Peace and Freedom Council

Young Socialist Alliance

Young Socialist Alliance, Chicago

Young Socialistocialist Workers Party Youth Against War and Fascism


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