THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE WORLD FEDERATION OF TRADE UNIONS IN THE PRESENT POWER C

Created: 6/14/1948

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CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY

THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE WORLD

FEDERATION OF TRADE UNIONS IN THE PRESENT POWER CONFLICT

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CONFUrtENTIAI,

THE SIGNIFICANCE OP THE WORLD FEDERATION OF TRADE UNIONS IN THE PRESENT POWER CONFLICT

SUMMARY

World Federation ol Trade Unions, founded in IJM5 almost simultaneously with the United Nations and inspired by the ephemera) unity prevailing In the final months of World War II. was intended to serveorld force promoting unity and understanding between national labor organizations and furthering international pence and cooperation. Within its first year, however, the governing bodies andof WFTU were for the most part taken over by thc USSR and thc federation was largely reducedounding board for propaganda in support or Soviet foreign policy objectives. The Soviet elements have concentrated on thc use of WFTUropaganda instrument and have played down the non-pollttcal trade union objectives which the Western affiliates sought to stress

The USSR's ability to utilize the WFTU as an effective propaganda Instrument derives from the preponderant voting power enjoyed by the pro-Soviet elements ln thc WFTU and the intrenchment of key Communists in the Secretariat Itsvoice in WFTU governing bodies has been the result of thc working alliance between the Soviet and satellite trade unions and the Communist-dominated unions in France. Italy, and other countries and of the enrollment of virtually the entirepopulations of thc Soviet-oriented nations as union members.

While Lhe USSR has utilized the WFTU to great advantageropagandait has so far been unable to use the WFTU effectivelyeans of promoting international labor disorder and is not permitted to da so under the present WFTU constitutional structure. The autonomy of national labor organizations, insisted upon by the non-totalitarian unions and written into thc WFTU Constitution, protects the national organizations from being compelled to follow federation policies.

The almost free rein given thc USSR for propaganda has been checked to some extent recently by the growing opposition of the Western trade unions to what they now recognizeerversion of the original purposes of the federation. Their efforts to make their own views penetrate to the unions behind the Iron Curtain, however, have rarely succeeded.

The underlying East-West division in the WFTU came to the surface when the Western trade unions sought to discuss participation in ERP and the Eastern trade unions refused. Subsequently fifteen Western trade unions setrovisionalIn London to assist ERP and thus provided the nucleusossible new labor federation. The impasse on ERP within the federation was temporarily resolved NoU: The information in thlj report la as ot8

Force had no comment.

Tbe IntelUtmee organizations ot the Department* of State and ot the Navy have concurred in this report: the intelliEcr.ee organizations of the Departments ot the Army and ot the AU* Force hud no eomm-ni

CONpDKNTIAr.

by Soviet acquiescence In8 In the right or each national affiliate toiti own attitude toward ERP and by the subsequent Soviet agreement, at the May WFTU meeting in Rome, to curtailment of the General Secretary's powers and elimination of his use of WFTU machinery to oppose ERP. These concessions reflect the importance which the USSR attaches to the WFTU and its desire to hold thetogether, even at the cost of at least temporarily reducing its usefulness as apropaganda Instrument,

Although these concessions to the views of Western labor appear for the time being to haveplit, they have failed to satisfy all of thc demands of the Western organlwitions for basic reforms. Additional Soviet concessions wouldbe the price for maintaining WFTU unity beyond8 meetings. Thc USSR may be expected to continue its efforts to save the WFTU from permanent schism threatened by the Increased opposition of the Western trade unions. Whether such efforts will be sufficient to achieve their purpose Is still problematical.

While the ultimate fate of the WFTU Is difficult to foresee, the present alternatives are that the federation will either break upoviet failure to carry out the basic reforms demanded by the Western trade unions; or the USSR will makesufficient to keep them within the organization, though at the cost ofreducing its propaganda value for Soviet objectives. The Western trade unions, in any case, arc unlikely to be satisfied with anything less than modification of the present fundamentally pro-Soviet orientation of the WFTU.

THE SIGNIFICANCE OK THE WORLD FEDERATION OF TRADE UNIONS IN THE PRESENT POWER CONFLICT

The World Federation of Trade Unions was born In the final months of World War II and its early activities reflected the unprobed and ambiguous unity of the Allied war effort. Soviet, British and American trade union leaders, meeting in London, initiated the steps which led to the establishment of the federation. The collapse of the common enemy, however, removed the galvanizing force which had held together the federation's heterogeneous pails. Subsequently, in the face of increasing East-West tensions, the national affiliates moved steadily apart. Moreover, within its first year, the USSR obtained control of most of the WETU governing bodies and of the Secretariat and succeeded in transforming thc federationirtual sounding board for propaganda supporting Soviet foreign policy objectives.

In terms of sheer numbers of labor organizations and of workers included, the World Federation of Trade Unions is the largest and most comprehensive trade unionin history. It is composed otational trade union centers with an estimated membershipnt dwarfs the now defunctFederation of Trade Unions (IFTU) which never claimed more0 members. It has contrived to hold under one banner the cautious British Trades Union Congresshe crusading CIO, and the totalitarian Soviet All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions (AUCCTU)0 regimentedIt has, in its three years of existence, succeeded in enrolling every importanttrade union center with the exception of the American Federation of Labor and the Argentine Confederation of Labor.

The largest bloc in thc membership isonsequence of the fact that In the USSR and its satellites the entire Industrial population of the nation is regimented into state-controlled trade unions. This mass Induction of workers has inevitably swelled the membership of the Communist trade union centers. Willie the graded voting required by the WFTU Constitution prevents complete reflection in WFTU governing bodies of this preponderance of Communist unions, the USSR, with the support of the Communist unions in the West,ecisive majority of

WFTU. unlike tbc International Labor Organization (ILOl, isorkers organization. Tne 1LOpecialized Agency or the UN made up of rcprcsentaUves ofemployers, and workers. Although Uie two organizations OCCasionaUy deal with the same issues. freedom of association, trade union bargaining rights,heir interests are distinct and contact between them has been informal and usually has been effected through key labor leaders who happen to be members of both. Thc USSR Isember of the ILO and opposes participation on ihc ground that the inclusion of government and management prevents thc organization from properly representing labor interests.

CONFfJENTIAL

votes in the WFTU Congress and is generally able toajority in the General Council and thc Executive Committee.'

Nevertheless, the WFTU is by no means the effective Instrument of Soviet policy that is sometimes represented to be. Its efforts to enforce uniform world labor policies have been consistently handicapped by the large degree or autonomy accorded to the national trade union centers, by the lack of effective enforcement machinery, and by thc divergent orientation of the national centers.

The more conservative Western unions would never have affiliated with the WFTU had not the all-important "autonomy clause" been written into its constitution. This guarantees thc autonomy of the national trade union centers whileno effective machinery for compelling them to execute decisions of the governingational affiliate which chooses to rejectecision must transmit to the Secretariat withineport setting forth its reasons for so doing, but the provisions for subsequent disciplinary action are vague andAn affiliate may be expelled onlyserious and persistent violations" or the Constitution or of rules and decisions of the Congress or Generalersistent non-payment of dues. Expulsionwo-thirds majority of thewhich neither the Communist nor the Western unions could separately attain in the present composition of the Congress.

Thc divergent orientation of the national trade union organizations, implicit at the outset, was brought into the open by the Marshal] Plan, the Soviet consolidation

ments imposed mounting strains on WFTU's shaky constitutional unity. These divisive forces have been intensified by thc federation's preoccupation with propaganda and political activity. The IFTU, to which the Soviet unions never belonged, enjoyed the support of the powerful International craft unions known as the international trade secretariats.*Although the WFTU originally hoped to absorb these secretariats, it has been unsuccessful in reaching agreement with them on terms of their incorporation, and, from the Western point of view, the federation has to that extent lacked the mortar and cement of trade union activity for strictly economic ends. Sovibt Exploitation of the WFTU.

It is often assumed that the Communist power ln thc WFTUource of Soviet strength and support In Communist-Influenced unions outside the USSR. The actual basis ror Soviet strength in these unions is that, independently of the WFTU, the USSR directly controls and influences powerful national labor organizations such as the Italian CGIL and the French CGT. The Kremlin exercises domination not through the WFTU but through direct control both of Communist "cadres" within these unions and of key labor leaders like Louis Saillantenoit Frachonnd

Appendix I: Organization Chart of the WFTU; and Appendix II: Baals of Representation in the WFTU Congress. The Executive Bureau Is an exception. Its "window dressing"Presidentice Presidents selectedational basis, and the Generalmade It less subject to Communist control, it has frequently been mannedon-Communist majority.

"The International Transport Workers, the International Metal Workers, and theMiners arc craft internationals ol this type.

y

CONTI AL

Giuseppe Dl Vittorloere the WFTU to be dissolved tomorrow, the Soviet power to dictate to these unions would be unchanged.

The influence of Soviet Russia in thc WFTU, as distinct from its direct control of Communist trade unions within the national organizations, has been covertly exercised through the WFTU Generaluis Sail!int. From his headquarters in Paris, Saillant, who Isecretary of the French Genera! Confederation of Laboras disseminated WFTU resolutions, sent out WFTU investigatingand headed WFTU delegations attending international conferencesUNhile Saillant constitutionally possessed these broad powers, he consistently abused them by exercising his authorityanner calculated toSoviet objectives- Moreover, In several matters of vital importance to thenational affiliates, ho took unilateral action without consultation. Under his direction the Secretariat has consistently given greater emphasis to WFTU political and propagandist activity than to measures aiming at the economic and socialof union members.

Thc WFTU, in fact, serves the USSR principallyounding board for ItsThrough this medium the USSR can project its political and social aims west of the Iron Curtain and agitate Issues embarrassing to the Western powers. The WFTU in the eyes of the working class symbolizes the striving of the workers towards "solidarity" and thus provides an unexcelled means for the dissemination ofIdeology. In the propaganda struggle between thc Western-oriented andelements in the WFTU, thc Communists have shown themselves more eflccUve and adroit. They packed the permanent WFTU Secretariat at the outset with followers of Saillant. They selected for agitation political issues whichurface appealide non-Communist group. WFTU resolutions, especially those drafted in the earlier period, included repealed professions of faith in "democracy" and protests against the "remnants ofnd this ambiguous vocabulary often provedto the Western trade unionists who were frequently unaware of the pro-Soviet orientation of resolutions which they endorsed.

During the first two years of the WFTU's existence the USSR exercised its working control in the federation with moderation in an evident desire to avoid alienating the TUC and the CIO. None of the federation's political resolutions, however, wereto reflect unfavorably on the USSR. In contrast, many resolutions were sharply critical of US and British actions, particularly those dealing with colonics, racial discrimination in thc Canal Zone and South Africa, and labor conditions In Puerto RlCO.

The WFTU has been an extremely effective agency, from the Soviet standpoint, in carrying propaganda to the populations of colonial and dependent areas. The colonial peoples haveertile field for Communist labor organizers because of the prevalent illiteracy and thc widespread exploitation of native labor.onsequence of these factors, the WFTU Secretariat has influenced colonial peoples withar greater degree than it has thc more literate workers in industriallyareas. It is also becoming evident that WFTU investigating commissions, In

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CaDOTj^SN

the colonial areas and In politically unstable areas like Indonesia andotential instrument lor political penetration.

Salllant's early attempts to use the Secretariat to promote Soviet aims were largely held in check so long as Lord Citrineirst president of WFTU. and Sidney IllUmanis close friend and collaborator, were active in thc organization. After Citrine's resignation and Hillman's death in the summerhe assertion of thc Communist propaganda line through the Secretariat became bolder, and theconsistently took the offensive.

WFTU activity in Germany6? furnishes an outstandingof thc use of the federation for Soviet propaganda. Then, as at present, the USSRnified Germany labor movement under Communist leadershipost Important means of securing economic control of Western Germany. The WFTU Secretariat actively promoted thc efforts of German Communists, supported by the USSR, to setentral German trade union organization which could be recognizedFTU affiliate. Trade Union representatives from each of the four zones were invited to attend the meeting of the WFTU General Council in Prague inhc Council at that time passed resolutions calling for establishmentFTU liaison bureau in Germany and accepting affiliation of the German trade unions on condition that the zonal labor groups should be unitedentralThe WFTU Secretary General subsequently exerted every effort to Implement these resolutions, and setiaison bureau in Berlin with the open support of thc Soviet authorities. This bureau was prohibited from functioning in the US Zone. However, Saillant's efforts to call an all-German trade union congress with the aim ofommunist-dominated central labor organization have so far been blocked by continued disagreement between Soviet and Western members of the AlUed Control Council regarding the conditions under which German labor should be unified. Plansentral organization of thc type desired by Saillant were set aside by the German unionists themselves when, at an interzonal meeting In Dresden inheyCentral Council" in which the delegates from the US and British zones wouldajority.

The aggressively pro-Soviet orientation ol the Secretariat under Saillant was even more unmistakably shown during the visitFTU Commission to Korea infter touring both Northern and Southern zones, Saillant, as chairman of the Commission, concluded that "greater freedom of organization" existed in the Soviet-controlled zone. This time, however, his criticisms of US military administrationharp dissent from thc CIO and TUC members of the group, who deniedabor movement could be free In the presence of armed Soviet troops.

The propaganda offensive of Saillant against US and UK policies encountered more serious resistance at thc7 meeting of the WFTU Executive Bureau in Paris. The CIO requested that the WFTU place the European Recovery Program on the agenda of the Executive Bureau meeting scheduled forn thc lace of the bitter opposition of SaiUant and the Italian CGIL, acting as spokesmen lor the Soviet bloc, the Bureau voted to discuss ERP. But as February approached, it became

CONFIDENTIAL

CON YlQf^Ti AL

clear that the Communist coalition was determined to postpone thc scheduled meeting and block consideration of ERP. Early in February the British TUC transmitted an ultimatum to Salllant demanding that the meeting be hold It was rejected by Saillant without even the formalityote of the nine members of the Bureau. Only the vigorous protests of the CIO and the TUC leaders to V. V. Kuznctsov.of the Soviet Central Council of Trade Unions,eversal of this action and secured agreement to proceed with the discussion at the Executive Committee meeting subsequently held in Rome during

TU US AND THE WFTU.

It was the aim of Sidney Hillman (US) to use the WFTU as an educational medium to promote unity and understanding between the respective national labor organizations and. through labor, to influence nations toward peace and international cooperation Thc CIO has contended that through Its WFTU connections IL can carry US views to the working classes of all nations more effectively than embassies and diplomaticwhose contacts are largely restricted lo influential persons at lhe top of the social

The record of the past three years, however. Indicates that US labor, as represented by the CIO. has on the whole been unable to hold ils own in the WFTU. The relatively ineffective role which it played during the greater part of this periodonsequence of:

The schism In thc US labor movement and thc ubstentlon of the AFI, from WFTU which reduced thc weight of US influence in international labor councils.

The Indecision and defenstveness of the CIO. until recently, in expounding the US position. This attitude was induced by lhe presence in CIO executive councils of representatives of unions under Communist influence (constituting about one-fourth of all CIO unions and including the Unilcd Electrical Workers, theLongshoremen's Union, the Furriers Union, the Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers, and the Farm Equipment Workers)."

The lack of preliminary coordination between the views of US unions and those of the government. This failure lo coordinate weakened the presentation of US views at international labor conferences and correspondingly increased theenjoyed by the totalitarian countries. The USSR alreadyarked advantage at these conferences because of the fact that the Soviet AUCCTU and the other Eastern European trade unions are virtually governmental departments. There can be no serious conflict between these unions and their governments and no possibilitynion'sesolution criticizing its owny contrast, the trade unions of the Western nations habitually and freely share in general criticism of conditions prevalent in their own countries.

lis October 1M7 Congress in Boston lhe CIO leadershipore militant line in support of ERP and in opposition to Communism. The housecleaninK nf Communist unions within CIO. beeun at that time, is still under

"Thc "self-cHUrum" of Sonet industrial officialdom, including the trade unionists, Is limited to suse"*tlorui for improving techniques of production,

The inability of CIO to carry its point of view to the working masses behind the Iron Curtain because of the censorship exercised in Communist countries.

(e) The lack of effective US labor representation in the WFTU Secretariat.

In the perspective of these developments, an estimate can be made of the relative value of the WFTU to thc US and the USSR in the presenl power conflict.

The USSR has derived substantially greater advantages Irom the WFTUorld forum for its propaganda than have the US and thc UK, and It has beensuccessful In exploiting the issues of colonialism, racial and religiouscartels, and suppression of trade unionism. While the Western unions haveestraining hand in the drafting of resolutions on these issues, too often the restraints have been more editorial than substantive. Until ERP became an issue, the TUC and the CIO showed little initiative in propagating their own views through the WFTU. Although thc USSR Itself, for tactical reasons, has often taken aposition in WFTU councils, it has consistently encouraged thc Communist trade unions outside the USSR to adopt aggressive and belligerent attitudes toward the Western powers.

On the other hand, the autonomy guaranteed to its national affiliates prohibits the WFTU, as now constituted, from being effectively used as an instrument of direct action for the execution of Soviet foreign policy. The WFTU would be powerless to carryeneral strike, sabotage, or boycott in countries where the nationalresisted. Where the Communists have already gained control, the USSR can issue its orders directly to its Communist agents within the unions without using the WFTU as an intermediary.

East-West Divisions in the WFTU.

The growing tension between the East and West has seriously undermined the unity of the WFTU. The exaggerated political and propagandist role which thehave imposed on it despite repeated warnings from the Western unions has made WFTU extremely vulnerable to disruptive international issues. Inhe Marshall Plan became the immediate issue which threatened lo split the organization. The resistance offered by the Communist-dominated Secretariat to CIO's effort to obtain WFTU endorsement of the ERP precipitated the convening of antrade union conference at London int this conference labor groups from fifteen western nations setrade Union Advisory Committee toERP and serveossible nucleusew federation. While the London Conference did not bring about the withdrawal of the CIO and the TUC, It indicated that the federation hadurning point and would soon have to make critical decisions which It had long sought tooviet concession in8 acknowledging the right of each national affiliate to determine Its own attitude toward ERP somewhat reduced the tension between the twoplit was averted for the time being at the8 meeting of the WFTU in Rome when the Soviet trade union leaders yielded to the Western demand for curtailment of the powers of the General Secretary and for restriction of his right to participate in activities outside the federation. By these concessions the USSR showed unmistakably its desire to maintain

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CONj^NTIAL

an undivided WVTU and lo preserve its contacts with the non Communist labor groups of the West

Prosmcts ro* no- Preservation op the WFTU.

The existence of the fifteen-nation Trade Union Advisory Committee confronts the WFTUontinuing threat of secession by the Western trade unions under the leadership of the CIO and the TUC. This threat may be made good at the Paris meeting of the Executive Committee in8 or at tho Brussels WFTU Congress in December If the critical issues dividing the Eastern and Western blocs are notThc Soviet concessions to thc views ol Western labor, while substantial, still fall short of satisfying all the demands of the Western organizations for basic reforms and have merely brought about an uneasy truce and agreement to resume discussion of remaining East-West differences at the subsequent WFTU meetings this year. In order to retain WFTU unity after these meetings, the USSR would probably have to pay the further priceaithful adherence to the Rome agreement to curtail Saillnnfsdmission of the anti Communist Force Ouvriircooperation in negotiations to bring the international trade secretariats into WFTU on terms satisfactory to their desire toarge measure ofcceptance of the Western concept of an impartial WFTU dedicated to the international interests of labor as opposed to thc national poliUcal interests of its partlcipaUng organizations.

Although ERP has so far been the most controversial issue dividing the national trade union movements in Uie WFTU, it may notinal break Those British and US labor leaders who have taken the Initiative in pressing toward awith the USSR on ERP are reluctant to make this issue the occasion for aShould they elect to split, they would prefer to base their acUonon-pohtlcal trade union issue such as the failure of the WFru General Secretary to bring thc International trade secretariats into the organization.

The effect of an East-West division in the WFTU would be not only sharply to separate the national labor organizations East and West of the Iron Curtain but also to widen and perpetuate the internal splits between Communist and non-Communist elements of labor movements in presently contested areas. An Eastern-oriented WFTU could be expected to retain, in addition to the hard core of the USSR and its satellites the French COT, the Netherlands EVC, the Communist and left-wing Socialist ele^ mcnta In the Italian COIL, the Latin American labor groups still affiliated with the dwindling CTAL,iscellany of rapidly growing native labor organizations In the colonial and dependent areas. Thc British and US labor bloc would probably carry with themew Western trade union international the WFTU affiliates of the Benelux countries (with thc exception of the minority Communist EVC in theecessionist non-Communist organizations in France and Italy and the national affiliates of Scandinavia. Australia and New Zealand. The trade unions or the Near and Middle East, India, and China would probably split into Right and Left labor organbaUons. In Latin America,hree-way division is appearing in labor ranks, trade unions opposing the CTAL and cooperating with Uie US (like

cxjnftjj^Enti al

thc Mexican CTM) could be expected to join inn Western blochird group might attach itselfew continental federation sponsored by Argentina.

Prediction as to the ultimate fate of the WFTU is difficult at this timethe alternatives implicit in lhe current situationhe federation may break uponsequence either of Soviet failure to meet the principal remaining Western demands for WFTU reforms or of Soviet failure to carry out promised reforms;he USSR may continue to make whatever concessions may be required to retain the Western trade unions and keep the federation intact. In the latter event, the USSR will be confrontedFTU which, from its point of view, willreatly reduced propaganda potential. While continued Soviet efforts toreak-up may be expected, the Western trade unions are not likely to be satisfied ultimately with anything less than modification of the present fundamentally pro-Soviet orientation of WFTU.

CON bpTiK NTI AL

APPENDIX I

ORGANIZATION CHART OF THE WFTU

COMMITTEE

at Leastear)

(Fr)

3

& Ceylon 1

& Canada 3

1

2

Europe 1

2

Europe l

2

Europe 1

East 1

Europe 1

1

1

1

Depts 3

BUREAU

About

3 Months)

Vlttorio

Sectry

WORLD TRADE UNION CONGRESSatl TU Centers)

embers) (Meets Once Every Two Years)

Satellites

A Canada

Eastndia)

America (CTAL)

Europe

(PATUC)

East

Auditors

GENERAL)

T

ear)

Sectry:

replica of WTUC.

for Press:

(USSR)

delegation has same

for Colonies

(US)

power as In WTUC.

Mandates:

Executive Com-

for Trade Depts: Schevenels

Chairman

WFTU constitution provides for three Interim governing bodies. The General Council governs between sessions of the World Trade Union Congress. The Executive Committee directs WFTU activities and carries out Congress and Council decisions between sessions of the Council. The Executive Bureau governs between sessions of the Committee.

TI AL

iT^T

COSFWENTIAL

APPENDIX II

DASIS OK REPRESENTATION IN THE WORLD TRADE UNION CONORESS

Upembers: For members in excessnd

up; For members in excessnd

upor members in excess0

and upor members in excess

"Affiliated Hade union organizations shall be represented at the Congress on the following basis:

1 delegate

1 delegate forembers or majority fraction thereof

I delegate forembers or

majority fractionelegate forembers or

majority fractionelegate forembers or majority fraction thereof

In addition, each affiliated trade union organization shall be entitled to appoint an additional representative forembers or majority fraction thereof upembers. Such additional representatives shall be entitled to speak in the Congress but shall have no vote."

(ArticleII, WFTU Constitution)

CONFinlN-riAL

APPENDIX III

NATIONAL AFFILIATES OF THE WFTU, REPORTED MEMBERSHIP

AND PRESENT EXECUTIVE OFFICERS

(In order of size of membership reported to First World Trade Union Congress, Paris,

COUNTHV

M

OFFICER

Council ol Trade Unions

V. KuznctSGV

Union Congress (TUC)

Deakin

of Industrial Organiz-

Murray

(CIO)

Confederation of Labor

di Vittorio

Confederation of Labor

Jouhaux (CGT/

Benoit Frachon

Confederation of Work-

Tessier

(CFTC)

Council of Trade Unions

Zapotocky

Erban

Confederation of Labor

Apostol

Union Confederation

Strand

Committee of Trade Unions'

Rusinek

of Workers (CTM)

Lombardo Toledano

Amllpa

Union Council

Kossa

of Labor (CAL)

F. Chu

of Trade Unions

Monk

Syndicate of Workers &

Salaj

of Workers (CTC)

Pcna

of Labor (FGTB)

Major

Flnet

Confederation of Labor

Jensen

Union Congress

A. Cole

Union Congress

A. Dange

of Labor

Kara

Central Commit lee or Polish Trade Unionsowombined membership.

Norway

Bulgaria

Austria

Canada

Finland

Switzerland

Colombia Netherlands

New Zealand Brazil Palestine

Ireland

Ecuador

Spain

Egypt

Union S.

Africa Qualcmala Uruguay Puerto Rico

Lebanon Panama Luxemburg

Iceland

of Trade Unions General Workers Trade Union Trade Union Federation Congress of Labor (CCL) Trade Union Federation (SAK) Federation of Trade Union* (USS) Association of Protestant Trade Unions

Confederation of Workers (CTC> Federation of Trade Unionsnity Trade Union Council (EVC) Federation of Labor United Workers Movement Federation of Jewish Labor

(IlisUdrutli) Palestine Labor League Federation of Arab Trade Unions Trade Union Congress Confederation of Workersasque Workers Solidarity Union Genera] Union of Workers (UGT)

Trade Union Congress

Congress of Industrial &Unions Tradesbor Council

Confederation of Workers (CTO) General Union of Workers (UGTJ General Confederation of Workers

Trade Union Federation Trade Union Federation (FSTP)

General Confederation of Labor Free Trade Union Federation Federation of Trade Unions

Nordahl

Damianov

Boehm

Conroy

Huunonen

J. Silva

Berend. RobertoS. Z. Rubashev

Salim Quasimilbert G. Maldonado Manuel Robles0 Trlfon Gomez

Luis0 Mohammed Y. A.

El0 Ahmed El Masri

Jerry Calder

Victor M.0 Enrique Rodriguez

Color. Giordiano

Barreto0 Mustafa0 Luis Avila

Aiitome0 Joseph0 Herman Gudmundsson

'The Netherlands Federation ol Trade Unions (NW) has made substantial Rains since IM* at the expense of the Communlst-controUed EVC .nd otber unions, and IIdal^tSo

'VI Al.

f

CONFyp^-IAJ.

Union Federation

Syndicates

Congress

Union Committee

Union Congress

Trinidad

British Guiana

SierraUnion Congress

Trade Union Council Trade Union Council

Gambia Gold Coast No. Rhodesia Mine Workers Union

A. Wickrtmaslnghc

Ai-Khatib

Zlarttdes

Hill

T. A.

Wallace-Johnson

Gomez

A. Thome

F.

Goodwin

AFFILIATES PROVISION ALLY ADMITTED BY THE GENERAL COUNCIL

AT PRA1IA.7

Trade Union Committee

Confederation of Labor"

Union of Tunis

Belgianof Trade Unions

Trade Union Committee

Rousta Dcmetreos Paparigas Hassem Saadaoul Georges Poropane Andre Wynant Renato Rizzoti

AFFILIATES

Confederation of Workers of Latin

International Federation of Trade

International Confederation of Christian Workers (ICTU)

V. Lombardo Tolcdano Walter Schevenels Gaston Tcssier P. J. S. Serrarcns

The Genera! Council itself did not reach final agreement on the admission of this pro-Markos fnclion of the Greek LaborBK) but thc WVTU Secretariat and thc Sovlel-orlented trade unions within WFTU have extended de lacto recognition to It.

lhe IFTU formally ceased lo exist5 when Its General Council voted for dissolution, an IFTU liquidating committee .till functions Schevenels, former IFTU Oeneral Secretary,FTU Special Assistant In charge of relations with the International Trade IWrctarlata.

DISTRIBUTION

Tbc PrrMdenl Secretary of Stat*

f BUS to Commander la Chief

Secretary of Defease

Secretary of the Army

Secretary of lhe Navy

Secretary of ihe Air Force

Executive Secretary, National Security Council

Chairman. National Security Resources Board

Chief or Staff. OS Army

Chief of Naval Operatlona

Chief ot StaO, US Air Force

Director of Plana and Operations. General Staff, US Army Deputy Chief or Naval Operations (Operations) Director of Plans and Operations, US Air Force

Special Assistant lo the Secretary of State. Research and Intelligence

Director of Iotellicer.ee. Oeneral Staff. US Amy

Chief of Naval Intelligence

Director of Intelligence. US Air Force

Secretary, Jointf Staff

Secretary, Joint Intelligence Group

Secretary. State-Army-Navy-Air Force Coordinating Committee

Executive Secretary. Miliary Liaison Committee to tbe Atomic Energy Commusion Director of Security and Intelligence. Atomic Energy Commission Chief. Acquisition and Distribution. OlCD. Department of Stale

eONFfBENTfAL

Original document.

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