had authorized major air strikes against Iraq.
The tragedy of the embassy bombings provided an opportunity for a full
examination, across the government, of the national security threat that Bin
Ladin posed. Such an examination could have made clear to all that issues were
at stake that were much larger than the domestic politics of the moment. But
the major policy agencies of the government did not meet the threat.
The diplomatic efforts of the Department of State were largely ineffective.
Al Qaeda and terrorism was just one more priority added to already-crowded
agendas with countries like Pakistan and Saudi Arabia. After 9/11 that
changed.
Policymakers turned principally to the CIA and covert action to implement
policy. Before 9/11, no agency had more responsibility--or did more--to
attack al Qaeda, working day and night, than the CIA. But there were limits to
what the CIA was able to achieve in its energetic worldwide efforts to disrupt
terrorist activities or use proxies to try to capture or kill Bin Ladin and his lieu-
tenants. As early as mid-1997, one CIA officer wrote to his supervisor: "All
we're doing is holding the ring until the cavalry gets here."
28
Military measures failed or were not applied. Before 9/11 the Department
of Defense was not given the mission of ending al Qaeda's sanctuary in
Afghanistan.
Officials in both the Clinton and Bush administrations regarded a full U.S.
invasion of Afghanistan as practically inconceivable before 9/11. It was never
the subject of formal interagency deliberation.
Lesser forms of intervention could also have been considered. One would
have been the deployment of U.S. military or intelligence personnel, or special
strike forces, to Afghanistan itself or nearby--openly, clandestinely (secretly),
or covertly (with their connection to the United States hidden). Then the
United States would no longer have been dependent on proxies to gather
actionable intelligence. However, it would have needed to secure basing and
overflight support from neighboring countries.A significant political, military,
and intelligence effort would have been required, extending over months and
perhaps years, with associated costs and risks. Given how hard it has proved to
locate Bin Ladin even today when there are substantial ground forces in
Afghanistan, its odds of sucess are hard to calculate.We have found no indica-
tion that President Clinton was offered such an intermediate choice, or that
this option was given any more consideration than the idea of invasion.
These policy challenges are linked to the problem of imagination we have
already discussed. Since we believe that both President Clinton and President
Bush were genuinely concerned about the danger posed by al Qaeda,
approaches involving more direct intervention against the sanctuary in
Afghanistan apparently must have seemed--if they were considered at all--to
be disproportionate to the threat.
FORESIGHT--AND HINDSIGHT
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