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The Defense Department favored strong action. Deputy Secretary Wol-
fowitz questioned the United States' ability to deliver Bin Ladin and bring him
to justice. He favored going after Bin Ladin as part of a larger air strike, simi-
lar to what had been done in the 1986 U.S. strike against Libya. General Myers
emphasized the Predator's value for surveillance, perhaps enabling broader air
strikes that would go beyond Bin Ladin to attack al Qaeda's training infrastruc-
ture.
256
The principals also discussed which agency--CIA or Defense--should have
the authority to fire a missile from the armed Predator.
257
At the end, Rice summarized the meeting's conclusions.The armed Preda-
tor capability was needed but not ready. The Predator would be available for
the military to consider along with its other options.The CIA should consider
flying reconnaissance-only missions.The principals--including the previously
reluctant Tenet--thought that such reconnaissance flights were a good idea,
combined with other efforts to get actionable intelligence. Tenet deferred an
answer on the additional reconnaissance flights, conferred with his staff after
the meeting, and then directed the CIA to press ahead with them.
258
A few days later, a final version of the draft presidential directive was circu-
lated, incorporating two minor changes made by the principals.
259
On September 9, dramatic news arrived from Afghanistan.The leader of the
Northern Alliance,Ahmed Shah Massoud, had granted an interview in his bun-
galow near the Tajikistan border with two men whom the Northern Alliance
leader had been told were Arab journalists.The supposed reporter and camera-
man--actually al Qaeda assassins--then set off a bomb, riddling Massoud's chest
with shrapnel. He died minutes later.
On September 10, Hadley gathered the deputies to finalize their three-
phase, multiyear plan to pressure and perhaps ultimately topple the Taliban lead-
ership.
260
That same day, Hadley instructed DCI Tenet to have the CIA prepare new
draft legal authorities for the "broad covert action program" envisioned by the
draft presidential directive. Hadley also directed Tenet to prepare a separate sec-
tion "authorizing a broad range of other covert activities, including authority
to capture or to use lethal force" against al Qaeda command-and-control ele-
ments. This section would supersede the Clinton-era documents. Hadley
wanted the authorities to be flexible and broad enough "to cover any additional
UBL-related covert actions contemplated."
261
Funding still needed to be located. The military component remained
unclear. Pakistan remained uncooperative. The domestic policy institutions
were largely uninvolved. But the pieces were coming together for an integrated
policy dealing with al Qaeda, the Taliban, and Pakistan.
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