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to develop plans and capability to preempt groups and individuals planning
strikes against U.S. interests."
95
Speaking to the American Bar Association in July 1985, the President char-
acterized terrorism as "an act of war" and declared:"There can be no place on
earth left where it is safe for these monsters to rest, to train, or practice their
cruel and deadly skills. We must act together, or unilaterally, if necessary to
ensure that terrorists have no sanctuary--anywhere."
96
The air strikes against
Libya were one manifestation of this strategy.
Through most of President Reagan's second term, the coordination of
counterterrorism was overseen by a high-level interagency committee chaired
by the deputy national security adviser. But the Reagan administration closed
with a major scandal that cast a cloud over the notion that the White House
should guide counterterrorism.
President Reagan was concerned because Hezbollah was taking Americans
hostage and periodically killing them. He was also constrained by a bill he
signed into law that made it illegal to ship military aid to anticommunist Con-
tra guerrillas in Nicaragua, whom he strongly supported. His national security
adviser, Robert McFarlane, and McFarlane's deputy,Admiral John Poindexter,
thought the hostage problem might be solved and the U.S. position in the Mid-
dle East improved if the United States quietly negotiated with Iran about
exchanging hostages for modest quantities of arms. Shultz and Weinberger,
united for once, opposed McFarlane and Poindexter.
A staffer for McFarlane and Poindexter, Marine Lieutenant Colonel Oliver
North, developed a scheme to trade U.S. arms for hostages and divert the pro-
ceeds to the Contras to get around U.S. law. He may have had encouragement
from Director of Central Intelligence William Casey.
97
When the facts were revealed in 1986 and 1987, it appeared to be the 1970s
all over again: a massive abuse of covert action. Now, instead of stories about
poisoned cigars and Mafia hit men, Americans heard testimony about a secret
visit to Tehran by McFarlane, using an assumed name and bearing a chocolate
cake decorated with icing depicting a key. An investigation by a special coun-
sel resulted in the indictment of McFarlane, Poindexter, North, and ten oth-
ers, including several high-ranking officers from the CIA's Clandestine
Service. The investigations spotlighted the importance of accountability and
official responsibility for faithful execution of laws. For the story of 9/11, the
significance of the Iran-Contra affair was that it made parts of the bureaucracy
reflexively skeptical about any operating directive from the White House.
98
As the national security advisor's function expanded, the procedures and
structure of the advisor's staff, conventionally called the National Security
Council staff, became more formal.The advisor developed recommendations
for presidential directives, differently labeled by each president. For President
Clinton, they were to be Presidential Decision Directives; for President George
W. Bush, National Security Policy Directives.These documents and many oth-
COUNTERTERRORISM EVOLVES
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