Created: 10/1/1958

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Intelligence Aid







The Latin Americas Secretariat of the Socialist International

Principal Socialist Parties in Latin America: Argentina Brazil Chile Ecuador Uruguay



PARTY OFSocialist! Argentino, -PSA) ' .

I.' :ii


III. Ideology.and

Trade Union.

V.'Attitude Toward the Free World- 1


VI. International Socialist

PARTY OFSocialista Brasileiro, PSB) '*

Background.* . .


III. Ideology'and

rade Union Work

Attitude Toward the Free World-- .


VI. International Socialist 26


(Partido Socialista, -'

iwrM-.i. 1 .

Background .V.



Ideology and Objectives

Trade Union Work

Attitude Toward the Free World-Communist Conflict

International Socialist Associations

PARTY OFSocialisU del Ecuador. PSE)


Political Influence

Ideology and

Trade Union Work

Attitude Toward the Free World-Communist Conflict

International Socialist Associations

PARTY OFSocialists del Uruguay, PSU)

Background .

Political Influence

Ideology and Objectives

Trade Union Work

Attitude Toward the Free World-Communist Conflict

International Socialist Associations


Resolutions of the Third Conference of the Consultative Committee of the Latin American Secretariat of the Socialist International and Delegates Indorsing these Resolutions (Santiago,o



Ou: of the varied and universally complex situations in the underdeveloped area* of the Free World, two main forces are developing, the growth of which are leading to profound political and economic changes. The first and more important of these forces is nationalism, the intensity of development and political manifestations of which depend upon the conditions prevailingiven area. The second force is socialism which embodies the aspirations of the peopleigher standard of living, and which connotes certain economic measures, principally economic planning and nationalization, to effect this goal. Socialism additionally has political overtones, and, as now developing in Asia and the Middle East, not only complements nationalism but isconcurrently with it. This complementary nature is evident in the political sphere where the nationalistic desire for freedom from foreign political and economic influence coincides with socialism's broad goal of man's emancipation. It is also evident in the economic views held by nationalists in many of the underdeveloped countries. The main threadthrough these nationalist economic views is that socialism offers the means whereby the resourcesountry can be mobilized for rapid industrialization without jeopardizing the country's independence through acceptance of foreign economic aid.

The growth of nationalism and socialism greatest in certain underdeveloped countries of Asia and the Middle East, notably India, Burma, Ceylon, and Egypt, where nationalistic and largely socialistic regimes have been established. In these former colonial countries, anti-colonialism and the desire


to industrialize have been the dominating factors in the growth of nationalism and socialism. Hatred for colonialism, which is often identified with Western capitalism, has produced the view that many Western investments are efforts to undermine the newly-won independence of these countries. Socialism is viewed as the only alternative which can effect rapidwithout Western aid andeasure of equality in the distribution of available goods.

Not the least of the factors contributing to the growth of nationalism and socialism in the underdeveloped countries are the activities of indigenous Communist parties, various international Communist front organizations, and the foreign and economic policies of the USSR and the Soviet Bloc. Through these activities the USSR seeks to transform the strong sentiment against Western colonialism into. sentiment. Incessantly, Communist propaganda media equate colonialism with capitalism and imperialism and then identify the United States as an imperialist power practicing insidious new-style colonialism through economic coercion. The countries are urged by these media to undertakeand other socialistic measures and to accept Soviet loans "with no political strings attached". Concurrently, the indigenous Communist parties, on the basis of the common goals of socialism and independence, seek to form an alliance with the Socialists (United Front) and then to expand itDemocratic Front for National Liberation" with the inclusion of the petit and national bourgeoisie. Emphasis is placed in the broader front on independence which,on-colonial area, is interpreted by the Communists as independence from domestic regimes supported by. imperialism" or from, colonialism".

The development of nationalism and socialism in Latin America to date has not been concurrent, as in Asia and the Middle East. The politically dominant conservative elements

in Latin Americaemagogic, highly

emotional pressure which is now being exploited by all political elements, including both extremes. Its character is shaped by such factors as the presence of racially and ethnically mixed groups in many countriesegroes, Indians, and different groups of white immigrants in varioushebrief history of independence in many countries; and Ihe feeling that the Latin American countries are dominated economically and politically by the United States.


exploit Latinarticular type of nationalism to perpetuate their rule, and have frequently establishedregimesationalistic basis.* Socialism in turn has not had much appeal, regardless of whether the Socialist parties were established a', the turn of the century, as were those of Argentina and Uruguay, or were establishedike the Socialist Parties of Brazil, Chile, and Ecuador. Yet it is noted that many of the elements which are contributing to the concurrent development of nationalism and socialism in Asia and the Middle East are also present in Latin America. The area is in general underdeveloped; the great majority of the people live in ignorance and poverty. The strongentiment is akin to anti-colonialism in Asia and the Middle East, in which. is blamed for Latin America's general backwardness and lack of industrialin major areas. Dictatorial and even feudal regimes exist in some countries in which the elements of democracy are lacking. Many Latin Americans attribute responsibility for these regimes to the United States, which allegedly supports such regimesatter of expediency, often under the guise of anti-Communism. The indigenous Communist parties are fanning this. sentiment and callingDemocratic Front for National Liberation" to effect liberation fromsupported by. imperialism" or regimes responsive to "new-style . colonialism". The USSR is intensifying its

economic programs in Latin America in efforts to detach these countries from the United States, The specter thus appears of nationalistic and socialistic regimes eventually arising in Latin America which would, as in Asia and the Middle East,hird Force ifro-Soviet neutralist position in the Communist-Free World conflict.

Within the above framework, the Socialist parlies of Latin America could in the future increase in size and become of increasing usefulness to the United States, or to the Communist conspiracy. On the one hand they compete with the Communists for the allegiance of labor and the generally underprivileged elements. On the other hand,

because of varying degrees of ideological affinity with the

Communists, the coincidence of immediate objectives, and some Communist penetration, the Socialist parties of Latin

America can, and in many instances do, facilitate Communist


The potential of the Latin American Socialists has been recognized by both the Free World and the International Communist Movement. In5 the Socialist Internationalatin American Secretariat to win existing Socialist parties for Democratic Socialism and to establish new Democratic Socialist parties. In6 the CPSU at its Twentieth Party Congressall for Communist-Socialist collaboration in all areas.

In studying Socialism in Latin America, it should be understood that it isnified movement boundoherent ideologyonolithic discipline as theCommunist Movement. The Socialist parties in Latin America are national political parties with varying ideological concepts. Although generally either the theories of Democratic Socialism or Marxism are espoused, ideological concepts are often fluid and are adjusted to accord with the existing national

political si:ua::on- Whether the Latin American Socialist parties espousing Marx's principles would follow the path of Asian Socialist parties, suck as that of Burma, and depart from theoryursue pragmatic policies upon achieving power, is,atter for conjecture. In this study, considerable weight has had to be given to ideology in judging each Socialist party, because none of them are in power toasis for comparing theory with practice,

Of the Socialist parties in Latin America only those of Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Ecuador and Uruguay have any current political significance, and of these only the Socialist Party of Chile has any reasonable hopes of entering the government in the near future.* The Argentine and Uruguayan Parties are members of the Socialist International and with the Socialist Parr/ of Chile form the Consultative Committee of the Latin American Secretariat of the Socialist International. The Socialist Parties of Brazil and Ecuador, as well as those of Colombia and Panama, have been invited to join this committee.

This study undertakes first to describe the organization and activities of the Latin American Secretariat of the Socialist International which is tending to become an anti-American body. Secondly, it seeks to set forth the current status and orientation of the five most significant Socialist parties in Latin America. In assessing the five major Socialist parties the method used is to discuss each party separately, but in terms of common factors. One advantage of this method is the obvious one ofrief with topical breakdewns for an individual concerned with Socialism in any one of the countries discussed. But more important, these factors were selected because, in addition toecessaryiscussion of these factors gives an indicationocialist party's Cold War orientation. The discussion of each topic is as comprehensive as permitted by available information in view of the absence of any study on this subject.

It is of interest to note that the countries of Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Ecuador and Uruguay arc the primary targets of Soviet economic penetration in Latin America.

For each party the first and secondre devoted respectively to origin and development and to present political influence. The next three sections treat respectively with the key factors of ideology and objectives, trade union activity, and attitude to the Free World-Communist conflict. Communist-Socialist relations are highlighted in theof these factors as well as Socialist Left Wing factions or groups which cooperate or advocate cooperation with the Communistsppose the Socialist party's Right Wing. The attitude of each party on such questions as trade with the Soviet Bloc. policies in Latin America is set forth in the section concerning the Free World-Communii


separate section on this aspect was prepared in the case of the Socialist Party of Chile, the only Socialist party which has any reasonable hope of entering the government in the near future. ), Lastly, each party's international Socialistare described.

It willted that no mention ishe above resume of Socialist party intelligence organisations. Such organizations are known to exist in several EuropeanSocialist parties, and could logically be expected to exist in some Latin American Socialist parties, given Latin America's revolutionary tradition. However, no informationvailable on tins subject.

It should also be notedistinction is made throughout the study between Democratic Socialism, as manifested in theory andEurope, and Marxist Socialism. The Democratic Socialist parties in Western Europe emphasize democracy rather than socialism. Theyradual approach to socialism throughreformspouse pragmatic as opposed to


doctrinaire methods. for example, nationalization and economic planning are limited, and implementation is soas to minimize any restriction of freedom. mass parties rather than class parties, they have relegated most of marx's concepts to history. they reject collaboration with theand are. of the latin american socialist parties, the argentine party andesser extent that of uruguay largely conform to the pattern of democratic socialism.

marxist socialist parties and groups, on the other hand, maintain the validity of most of marx's theories andoctrinaire approach to socialism. they advocate the collective ownership of the means of production (nationalization of basic industry) and national economic planning andof goods. maintaining that these measures are essential to socialism, they allege that collective ownership can be achieved without restricting democracy and freedom. they affirm the validity of the ciass struggle, but usually advocate that the proletariat work peacefully through established political institutions to achieve power. however, in general, such extra-parliamentary methods as strikes andare also considered acceptable; and sometimes revolutionary overthrow of the existing government is not excluded. marxist socialists, tending to view the communist partyegitimate national political party rather than an appendage of the international communist movement, are inclined towards collaboration. they alsoeutral foreign policy involving cooperation with both the free world and the ussr. however, this policy usually takes the form of pro-soviet neutralism in. policies aremore than those of the ussr. jn latin america, the socialist parties of brazil, chile, and ecuador largely conform to the marxist socialist pattern.



The Consultative Committee of the Latin American Secretariat of the Socialist International is asather ineffectual organization, airly auspicious start in

did not hold any of its three-scheduled meetings in

main theme of its6 meetings wasto Latin American dictatorships, coupled withthat. imperialism" supports these It called "on the peoples_ of the Latinto fight /dictatorships/ with every means,and develop democratic freedom, promote amovement to pave the way for the transformation

of our agrarian structure, lo free ourselves fromraise cultural standards, stimulate Latin American integration, and plan our national economies on Socialist principles. " To promote this program the First Conference of Economic Experts of the Socialist Parties of Latin America and the Third Conference of the Consultative Committee were subsequently held at Santiago. Chile,

The Third Conference of the Consultative Committee was marked by the participation for the first time, in observer status,of the Socialist Parties of Colombia, Ecuador, and Pararr.a. and by the adoption ofhich, if carried out, would undermine. position in Latin America. Participating parties also agreedto solicit funds from their membership to support Chilean Socialist presidential candidate Salvador Allende Gossans, who is also being supported in Chile by theand other Left Wing parties of the Popular Action Front (FRAP). Increased efforts designed to inciteof the Committee to Communism and at the same time to soften its anti-American bias appear in order, particularly if membership in the Consultative Committee is, as now contemplated, further expanded through affiliation of other Latin American partiesocialist orientation. The Fourth Conference of the Consultative Committee is now scheduled to be held a?cuador in

1. The establishmentLatin American Secretariat of the Socialist International" was suggested in5 in conversations between the then Secretary of the SocialistJulius Braunthal, and Americo Ghioldi of the Argentine Socialist Party, Humberto Maixtegui of the Uruguayan Socialist Party, and Rodolfo Llopis of the exiled Spanish Socialist Workers' Party. All of these men were interested in encouraging the development of Socialist movements in Latin America in accordance with the model of the Argentine and Uruguayan Parties. These parties, reflecting the influence of European immigration, developed along Democratic Socialist lines and are now full members of the Socialist International.

2. The Bureau of the Socialist International subsequently, onpproved the establishmentatin American Secretariat, which decision was affirmed by the Council of the Socialist International in The tasks of the Secretariat wore defined as follows:

enter for the exchange ofand contacts between the Socialist partiesAmerica;

ulletin in Spanish containinginterest to the Latin American Socialist

onsultative Committee ofconsisting of the SocialistArgentina, Uruguay,hile.

The Socialist International voted an annual subsidyounds sterling, and Humberto Maixtegui was appointed part-time Secretary. It envisaged the establishment of the Secretariat

tep encouraging Democratic Socialist movements in Latin America, and eventually as the means ol linking thesewith the Socialist International.

Secretariat was activated by MaizteguiBureau decision, and contact was initiated with theAmerican Socialist parties. The first issue of theabove appeared in Early agreementbetween the Argentine and Uruguayan Parties forof the Consultative Committee, but the Popularof Chile (PSP) at first showed no great interest. the visit of Secretariat representative Andres F. Cultelli

to Chile during the general strike ofhe PSP agreed to participate in the Consultative Committee on thethat this act would not mean affiliation with the Socialist International.

first meeting of the6 at Montevideo, Uruguay. Party of Argentina was represented byGhioldl and Doctor Alicia Moreau de Justo, bothalso occupied positions on the Consultative Council ofGovernment; the Chilean Popular Socialist PartyRaul Ampuero Diaz, Senator and Secretary General ofand by Dr. Federico Klein, head of theof the PSP; the Uruguayan Socialist Party by SenatorPedro Cardoso and ty Dr. Arturo J. Dubra, memberand member of the Executive Committee ofthe Secretariat by Humherto Maiztegui. Termsfor participation in the Consultative Committeeas follows:


a. affiliation with the Socialist International is not obligatory;

b> only Latin American or related problems will be discussed;

unanimous vote is essential to formal

should be no interference inthe national competence of

should be held every six months.

in agreeing to limit discussion to liatin american problems only and to make participation in the consultative committee possible without affiliation with the socialist international, maiztegui sought to effect asarticipation of latin american parties as possible. envisaged in these terms of reference was the eventual participation of the socialist parties of brazil and peru, wherein the respectiveprohibit political parties from joining an international organization. also recognized were the differences in points of view on international affairs between the marxist-leninist chilean psp and the democratic socialist parties of argentina and uruguay. it was agreed at the meeting that suchin outlook should not prohibit cooperation on purely latin american problems. it was also resolved to invite the socialist parties of brazil and ecuador to become members of the consultative committee.

5. in addition to establishing terms of reference, this first meeting of the consultative committee set the tone for future meetings. opposition to latin americanwas set forthain theme, and. imperialism" was alleged toorce supporting these dictatorships. the committee condemned the then forthcoming meeting in panama of the presidents of argentina, brazil, bolivia and uruguay, and. asurther expression of the present policy of domination which. republican party is carrying on through the state department, the most notorious


result whereof is the prosperity of dictatorships and the economic bleeding of Latin America". The Committee also accepted the proposal of the Chilean Popular Socialist PartyCongress of democratic parties of Latin America be convened to survey publicly and condemn the despotic regimes of many countries of Latin America and the internal and external forces which support them". recedent for this proposal existed. 6 the Socialist Party of Chile (of which the PSP thenaction)ongress in Santiago of representatives of almost all the Latin American political movements of Socialist orientation.6 Congress was no*uccess, so that the PSP6 sought theponsorship of the Consultative Committee in an effort to rallyuture Congress.

6. The second conference of the Consultative Committee was held in Buenos Aires Representation for the three participating Socialist parties was the same as in the Montevideo meeting except that Dr. Clodomiro Almeida replaced Dr. Federico Klein as the second Chilean delegate. Also Ln attendance at the Conference were Galo Achar of the Partido Febrerista Revolucionarlo Paraguayo; Jose Manso Gonzalez and Augusto Malave Villalba of the Accion Democratica de Venezuela; and Victor Raul Montesinos of the Aprista Party of Peru.

7. The second conference specifically condemned the governments of Rojas Pinilla of Colombia. Batista of Cuba, Castillo Armas of Guatemala, Stroessner ofTrujillo of the Dominican Republic, Perez Jimenez of Venezuela, andicaragua. It called for the formationast continental movement to combat and destroy these governments, which were described as "the expression of the feudal classes of those countries,

instruments of imperialism, and frequently protected by the Catholic Church". Repudiating the regressive role of the Latin American dictators generally, the conference"the militarism which maintains them, thewhose tools they are, and the classes of society whose interests they defend". It called "on the peoples of the Latin American continent to fight them with every means, to defend and develop democratic freedom,ast popular movement to pave the way for the transformation of our agrarian structure, to free ourselves from imperialism, raise cultural standards, stimulate Latin Americanand plan our national economies on Socialist principles."

8. To further this program, the Consultativeagreed to sponsor three meetings. The first was toonference at Santiago, Chile, of economic experts of the Socialist parties of Latin America. The subject contemplated for this meeting was "How Socialism can promote^ Latin American economic development". The Consultative Committee also agreed to hold its Thirdat Santiago and to consider as its principal theme the "Analysis of Imperialism and Anti-Imperialism in Latin America". The final meeting, previously proposed by the Chilean PSP, was scheduled as the Conference of Democratic and Socialist Parties of Latin America. The Secretary agreed to convene this Conference And to set forth the Declaration of Principles of the previous Congress of this nature which had met in Santiago The agenda was to consist of

American economic integration;

development In Latin

of action by the parties

The Secretary was authorized to invite the following Socialist and nationalist parties: Brazilian Socialist Party, Ecuadorian Socialist Party, Peruvian Socialist PaTty, Socialist Parly of Colombia, Democratic Socialist Federation of Cuba, Socialist Groups of the Republic of Mexico, Democratic Action of Venezuela. Partido del Pueblo (APRA) of Peru, Movimicnto Naeionalista Revolucionario (MNR) of Bolivia. Paraguayan Febrcrista Parry, and the National Liberation Party of Costa Rica.

9. The First Conference of Economic Experts of the Latin American Socialist Parties and the Third Conference of the Consultative Committee were subsequently held at Santiago, Chile, These two conferences encompassed the agenda items of the previously contemplated Conference of Democratic and Socialist Parties of Latin America. In attendance were delegates from the Socialist Parties of Argentina, Chile. Colombia. Ecuador. Panama, and Uruguay. The delegates from the Socialist Parties of Colombia, Ecuador, and Panama participated as observers: and iheir respective parties, as well as the Brazilian Socialist Party, were invited to join the Committee. The Socialist Parties of Brazil and Peru and the Movimiento Naeionalista Revolucionario (MNR) of Bolivia had planned to attend but declined at the last moment for internal reasons. Accion Dcmoeratica of Venezuela, the Paraguayan Febrensta Party, and the Partido del Pueblo (APRA) of Peru apparently refused to attend because of the political alliance of the Chilean Socialists with the Communists.

10. At the request of the Chilean Socialist Party, which is cooperating with the Communists, the question of relations of Socialist parties with Communist parties was not putote. The delegates from the Uruguayan and Argentine Parties, however, opposed relations with theand the delegate from the Socialist Party of Ecuador

said chat his party accepted relations with the Communists in theory but considered them fatal in practice. The Chilean delegates recognised the danger of Communist penetration, particularly in the Chilean Socialist youth organization, but concluded that their party's cooperation with the Chileanon balance was beneficial. All parties with the exception cf the Ecuadoran Socialist Party, informally agreed to seek financial support from their membership to support Chilean Socialist presidential candidate Salvador Allende Gossens, who is also being supported in Chile by theand other Left parties of the Popular Action Front (FRAP).

11. The most alarming aspect of the Third Conference was the Consultative Committee's emergence as an. organization. Even the Argentine and Colombianho are somewhat friendly tondorsed final resolutions (a). economic aggression against Latin America, (b) denouncing the Organization ai American States as an instrument. imperialist subjugation of Latin America, and (c) condemning military pacts between. and Latin American countries. In view of their. character, the complete resolutions are set forth in attachment A. Also included are the official delegates of the five Socialist parties indorsing these resolutions. It is apparent that although the Consultative Committee competes with Communist Latin American regional organizations its recent resolutions contribute to the undermining of. position inmerica. Accordingly, increased eflorts designed to incite opposition of the Committee to Communism and to soften its anti-American bias appear to be in order, particularly if membership in the Consultative Committee is further expanded through affiliation of other Latin American parties of Socialist orientation.

The Argentine delegate did, however, protest and the Colombian delegate threaten to withdraw over what they considered extravagant attacks against the United States.



SOCIALIST PARTY OF ARGENTINA (Partido Socialist* Argcntino, PSA)


The Socialist Party of Argentina (Partido Socialists Argentino,ormed inas largely influenced by European immigrants who advocated parliamentary means to achieve Socialism, as opposed to the revolutionary methods advocated by orthodox Marxists. Itemocratic Socialist Partyember of the Socialist International. Although favored by leaders of high caliber, the PSA has neverational party and has splintered to both the Right and Left. Its high point was reachedhen itn congress and dominated the General Confederation of Labor (CGT). Having suffered greatly under Peron, the Party was facedomplete rebuilding task bothand in the trade unions upon his overthrowubsequently the PSA regained some ground in the trade unions and placed third in the7 elections for the Constituent Assembly,otes. However, in the PSA Congress ofhe PSA was rent by dissension when the followers of Americo Ghioldi withdrewesultower struggle and differences over political tactics. In the national elections8 the PSA presidential and vice-presidential candidates ranked fourth, pollingotes. In the same elections the PSA failed to win any seats in the Senate or in the Chamber of Deputies. The PSA has firmly resisted Communist overtures for collaboration, andis no positive evidence of Communist penetration within the Party. The Party aligned itself with the Free World and has displayed an attitude of critical friendship toward.


I. Background:

The Socialist Party of Argentina IPSA) had its beginningshen five Socialist groups agreed to drawoint program and to put up candidates for the elections onhese Socialist groupsonstituent Congress and formed the Argentine Socialist Party. Principally responsible for the founding of the Party was Juan B. Justo, who inspired it until his death8 and who4 founded the present PSA newspaper, La Var.guardia. The Argentine Socialist movementonsiderable impetus from European immigrants, many of whom came to Argentinaesult of the suppression of the Paris Commune1 and again80esult of Bismarck's anti-Socialist laws in Germany. These immigrants were instrumental2 the first Socialist organization in Argentina, the Vorwaerts Association.

The Socialist Party, although supported and led by intellectuals and professional men, was founded to further the interests of Argentine labor. The PSA's Declaration offormulated at the Constituent Congress, accepted the Marxist view of the evils of capitalism and the division of society into classes. It called for the replacement of capitalismsociety in which ownership of the means of production shall be collective and social, in which everyone may own the product of his own work, and the economic anarchy and selfishness of the present shall be replaced by the scientific organizationigh level of social morality". It called on the workers to organize and to fight for their freedom through the Socialist Party, which would utilize existing political rights to achieve its objectives. The Declaration, more rational in tone than most early Socialist pronouncements, foreshadowed the moderate and evolutionary tactics which the PSA subsequently employed. Never modified, it remains today the ideological basis of Argentine Socialism.

The first PSA platform, formulated ininimum wagehour week, equal pay for women, social security benefits, and the unionization of workers. The PSA also supported such political proposals as universal suffrage, proportional representation, separation of Church and State, and abolition of the standing army.

The PSA elected its first deputy, Alfredo IPalacios, to the Chamber of Deputies in the elections Inelections0 the PSA recorded steady gains in popular votes in spite of the defectionroup of Left Wing Marxistsurther defection occurred1econd group of Left Wing Marxists split off and later joined with the first Marxist splinter group to form the ArgentineParty. Following this last defection, the PSA total vote dropped0 It increased4 and then dropped8 following the splitting off7ight Wing group calledhe number of votes accruing to the PSA then increasedn the elections hen theof General Jose F. Uriburu barred the Radical Party candidates, the PSA gained greatly andotes.

The PSA2 consistedssociations, as compared tond hadembers. It hadembers in the Chamber of Deputies,enators,embers of provincial congresses,ayors, and moreunicipal councillors. It was the principal voice of the Argentine trade union movement, having secured control of the important railroad workers' union in thes and having achieved domination of the General Confederation of Labor (CGT) formed

owever, the fortunes of the PSA declined.6 another Left Wing faction split off to form the Socialist Labourajority of which later joined the Communists.

7 and again3 the Socialists failed in their attempts to form electoral alliances to oppose the incumbent National Democratic administrations. 3 the Communists had secured control of about half of the CCT membership. After the Revolution of3 the Socialists resolutely opposed the ensuing dictatorships. This opposition lederies of repressive measures by the successive Ramirez. Farrell, and Pe ror. Governments through which Socialist control over Argentine unions was almost eliminated. In the elections6 the PSA lost its previous representation in the national legislature. In1 elections the PSA presidential slate of Americo Ghioldi and Alfredo L. Palacios polled0 votes, or lesser cent of the popular vote. The PSA also failed toingle provincial governor or national legislator.

The PSA suffered further losses3 when followers of Peron attacked and set or. fire the PSA's Peoples' House. The modern printing press o: La Vanguardia, where nearly all trade union papers were printed before the dictatorship, the Labour Library, and PSA headquarters were completely destroyed. Under pressure of the dictatorship the PSA suffered further splinteringroup led by Enrique Dickman split off to set up the Revolutionary Socialist Party and another group, under the leadership of Dardo Cuneo, defected to found Socialist Action. Thus, upon the overthrow of Peron and the emergence of the civilian-military provisional government ofhe PSA was confronted with an almost complete rebuilding effort.

II. Political Influence:

3etween5 andhen thefor the Constituent Assembly were held, the PSA, while supporting the Provisional Government, intently worked to


re-establish its influence both in politics and in the trade unions. The reconstruction of the Party was favored by the fact that the PSA had been in resolute opposition to the Peron Government and was recognized as the principal anticlerical party. It also counted among its leaders several elderly and highly respected individuals. Four of its leaders, Dr. Nicolas Repetto, Professor Americo Ghioldi, Dr. Ramon A. Muniz, and Dr. Alicia Morcau de Justo, became members of the National Consultative Junta advising the Provisional Government. Other Socialists were appointed by the Provisional Government as interventors in the trade unions. Thus,upporter of the Provisionalthe PSA was providedorum and base from which to re-establish its influence. Its responsible attitude with respect to the Provisional Government also gained the PSA supporters, particularly among middle class anti-Peronists.

The Socialists emerged as the third strongest party in the7 elections for the Constituent Assembly,otes compared toor the Popular Radicals andor the Intransigent Radicals. The distribution of seats in the Constituent Assembly gave the Popularntransigenthristian Democratsemocratsrogressive Democratsederal Unionistsnd Socialist gains were most notable in itsstronghold of Buenos Aires and in the Chaco. Lesser gains were recorded in La Pampa and San Juan.

In the national elections held on8 the Socialist presidential and vice-presidential slate ranked fourth, but receivedotes. This total compared toor the Intransigent Radical slate;or that of the Popular Radicals;or the Christianslate. Under the "Saenz Pcna" electoral law, which gives the majority party two-thirds of each Province'sin the National Congress and the runner-up party the remaining one-third, the Socialist Party won no seats in the

Senate or in the Chamber of Deputies. The Intransigent Radicals clearly emerged as the nation's leading political party, winning the presidency and vice-presidency, the governorships of allrovinces, all seats in the Senate,uteats in the Chamber of Deputies (Popular Radicalsnd Liberal Party of In the Municipal Council of Buenos Aires the Socialistseats compared toor the Intransigentor the Popularor the Christian Democrats,or the Communists.

III. Ideology and Objectives:

The PSAemocratic Socialist party which subscribes to the principles of the Socialist International. As noted inbove, the PSA's Declaration of Principles, formulated remains the ideological basis of Argentine Socialism. Although the Declaration accepts the Marxist analysis of society, emphasis has been placed in practice on the abstract and moral goals of Socialism, such as political and economic freedom, social justice, and equality, which are to be achieved through parliamentary democracy. The consistent pursuit of moderate and evolutionary policies and tactics by the PSA has resulted in defections to both the Right and Left. The Party has been able to overcome each of these defectionsmerge stronger than before. However, its reasoned appeal to the electorate has failed to attract the popular support necessary to carry out its program.

The PSA at its Thirty-seventh National Congress in0 set forth the following eight goals:

A democratic stateivilian government.

The attainment of the fundamental rights of assembly, and expression,

The stabilization of prices, and an increase in the purchasing power o: wages,

The socialization of national resources and public services,

The socialization of public health services,

The solution of the housing problem,

Secularism in government, and

Free access for the public to all levels of education.

More recently the PSA at its Congresst Cordoba, seteneral platform calling for

Agrarian reform which would be effected byand division of large estates,

Exploitation of public services by the nation, the provinces, municipalities, or cooperativehe expropriation of public utilities seems to be Implied here but it is not specifically statctL/

Lay education and divorce.

Exploitation and administration by the nation, with participation by the provinces, of petroleum deposits, minerals, water currents, and all other sources of energy, in vicw_of their being considered the property of the nation. /Lacking in this planktatement callingtate monopoly of petroleum distribution and the prohibition of petroleum concessions. However, the latter is inferable from the assignment ofand administration functions to the state. /

Apparently the Partyhole agrees with the PSA platform set forth above, although it was passed without the concurrence of the Right-Wing Ghioldi faction. This faction, representingdd ofelegates, had previously walked out of the Congress because of tactical differences on political issues and because of its defeat in the maneuvering for power within the Party. It also did not participate in the selection of Dr. Alfredo Palacios and Dr. Carlos Sanchez Viamonte as the Socialist presidential and vice-presidential candidates for the elections subsequently held on

The influence of Americo Ghioldi in the PSA had been waning before the walkout. Ln the Party elections6 for officials of the PSA's Executive Committee, Ghioldi placed behind Carlos Sanchez Viamonte, Ramon Muniz, and Alicia Moreau de Justo. At its meeting of6 the Executive Committee elected Alicia Moreau de Justo toGhioldi as editor of La Vanguardia. Sl-chez:;, Muniz, Alicia Moreau de Justo, and Jose Luis Romero, who head the majority faction, are orientated to the Left of Ghioldi and were more firmly opposed to the government of Pedro Aramburu. Thus they opposed the government's declarationtate of siege, an action which Ghioldi defended. They also opposed Ghioldi's advocacyolitical alliance to the Right, which, in Ghioldi's view, would have enhanced his and the Party's influence. The split in the PSA may well haveactor in the poorer showing of the PSA in the national elections8 as compared to its showing in the elections of7 for the Constituent Assembly.

IV. Trade Union Work:

PSA influence in labor prior to the advent of Peron was exerted primarily among the urban workers in the Federal


Capital and the Province of Buenos Airci. Socialist influence was greatest among the skilled workers whoargeof organized labor. To the masses of unskilled or lemi-skOlec laborers, who were largely unorganized before Peron, PSA programs and tactics held little appeal. This lack of appeal was largely due to the PSA's inability to secure passage ofto benefit these sectors. Nevertheless, as previously noVed, the PSA dideading role in the Generalof Labor (Confedcracion General del Trabajo, CGT) upon its establishment In the years immediately following, the Communists fought the Socialists for dominance of the CGT and3 secured control of about half of the CGT membership. During the Peron administration the government took overof the CGT and used it to organize the masses of unskilled and semi-skilled workers as Peron supporters. In this process Socialist influence in labor was almost completely eliminated.

With the establishment of the Provisional Government in5 the PSA has set aboutemocratic labor movement. The PSAabor movementof government control and under Socialist control if The Party also advocates single unions for each trade; and most, but not all. Socialists arenited CGT. Socialist rebuilding in the trade unions has been facilitated by the appointment of several of their trade union leaders as inter-ventor*. In most unions in which Socialists were appointed interventors they were able to regain some support byhandling workers' grievances and by using the union's sizable funds to provide social benefits for their members. Emphasis was placed on legitimate trade union activities rather than on making the unions political organizations.

Socialists are active in the Comite Obrero Arger.tino de Sindicatos Indeper.dienteshe former exiled trade unionist committee now affiliated with the 1CFTU and its Inter-American Regional Organizationnd in the movement


for the Recuperation of Free Trade Unionism (Movimicnto Pro-Recuperacion del Gremialismo Libre, MGRL). However, the Socialists have been plagued in their trade union efforts, as in the pre-Pcron days,ack of unified direction. act of unity was signed in6 between COASI and MGRL in Buenos Aires, but as of6 this agreement had not prevented these groups from backing different persons in some of the unions. Also, as of the above date, it was reported that the activity of Socialists working in the trade unions in the interior was not coordinated by the Socialist Party or with COASI and the MGRL. This lack of coordination, as well as the considerable pro-Peron sentiment in the trade unions, has led to only moderate PSA gains which fall short of Socialist influence in the pre-Peron period.

V. Attitude Toward the Free World-Communist Conflict:

The PSA is both anti-Communist and anti-Soviet. In9 the Party repudiated all connections withCommunism and aligned itself with the Western democratic powers in the struggle between the Soviet Bloc and the Free World. The PSA has subsequently adhered to this position. Like other Democratic Socialist parties of the Socialist International, it rejected the call of the CPSU at its Twentieth Congress for collaboration between Socialists and Communists and condemned Soviet oppression in Hungary. In fact, Al-cia Moreau de Justo, after the Hungarian uprising, publicly urged that Argentina sever relations with the USSR and tried to organize Argentine stevr.dores to boycott Soviet ships in Argentine port*.

The PSA's attitude toward. has been one of critical friendship. In fact,7 no other Argentine political party, and few parties if any in the rest of Latin America, have so consistently advocated cooperation with the

U.S. It has urged, with some reservations, Argentine participa tion in hemispheric and world organizations. Within this framework the PSA has also criticizedestrained manner. and its policies. ood example is the speech of Americo Ghiold: at the Fourth Congress of the Socialistheld in5 at London. Citing the existence of dictatorial regimes in two-thirds of Latin America and the reasons therefore, Ghioldi stated:

"We must also point to the responsibility of. In the strengthening of Latin American dictatorships.itiful blindness, that great country, claiming strategic needs, has given arms to dictators who have used them to oppress their own peoples. In the wordsell-known jurist of my own country, we may say that armaments and militarism in Latin America bite their own people, but only bark at outsiders."

Ghioldi also, by implication, criticized. when he said that capitalism in Latin America had been "fostered by powerful international forces, by imperialismtrictly economic sense". He added, however, that the shortcomings of Latin American governments had encouraged capitalist development by allowing foreign capital toery high rate of profit. He called for economic aid to Latin America by the richer countriesmanifestation of cooperative internationalism" rather thanaiis of national interests.

In international affairs, generally, the PSA hasadhered to the principles of Justo, who advocated cooperation in the reduction of armaments and in theof barriers to world trade.

Recently, and particularly since the Twentieth Congress of the CPSU, the Communists have beennited labor frontnited front among Argentina's political

SOCIALIST PARTY OF BRAZIL (Partido Socialista Brasileiro, PSB)


The Socialist Party of Brazil (Partido Socialista Brasilciro, PSB) was formedargely under the aegis of former Communists and Trotskyites. Itarxist Socialist party which proposes to bring about the gradual socialization of the means of production through democratic processes. inor party, it is represented by one senator out ofeputies out. It commands the loyalty of some trade union leaders scattered throughout tbe trade union movement and is reported to have made some progress among the labor rank and file, notably in the Sao Paulo area. It is an ultranationalist party which agitates on all popular issues on the side of absolute neutrality. However, its espousal of nationalism of an. variety more often than not coincides with the position of the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB). It tends to view the PCBational Brazilian party ratherarty of the International Communist conspiracy, and has cooperated with it in the trade union movement. On the other hand, it disapproved of Soviet intervention in Hungary. Two PSB leaders who haveource of comfort to the Communists are (a) Senator Domingos Velasco, who made two trips to Communist China and attended the World Youth Festival at Moscow inb) Deputy Roge Ferreira, who headed the Brazilian delegation to the World Youth Festival at7 and also attended the Fourth Congress of the World Federation of Democratic Youth (WFDY) held at Kiev in

With respect to International Socialist associations. Dr. Febus Gikovate of the PSB National Executive attended the Fifth Congress of the Socialist International in Vienna, Austria, during7 as an observer. The PSB has not


as yet joined the Consultative Committee of the Latin American Secretariat ofthe Socialist International, although reportedly it has indicated its intention to do so.

I. Background

The Brazilian Socialist Party was formed7 from two main Socialist currents. The principal currentroup termed Esquerda Democratica, which had formedthe front (Uniao Democratica Nacional, UDN) organized to support Eduardo Gomes against Getulio Vargas in the presidential elections After the elections the Esquerda Democratica withdrew from the UDN and organized as an independent party under the slogan "Socialism and Liberty. " Its principalwere Joao Mangabeira and the prominent Left-Wing Catholic, Domingos Velasco, both of whom had been elected to Congress5 under the UDN ticket. These were joined by Hermes Lima of the Distrito Federal, who later became the PSB's third federal deputy. All three of these leaders had been imprisoned briefly for alleged complicity in the revolutionary movement ofhich involved Communists and dissatisfied elements of the army and navy.

The second current consistedumber of ex-Com-munists who, ins, had formed Brazil's first Trotskyite organization, but who by thes had declared their fealty to Democratic Socialism. They included Mario Pedrosa, one-tirre Communist youth leader and later Brazil's leading art critic; the important former Communist trade union leaders, Hilcar Leite and Joao da Costa Pimenta; and Plinio Mcllo, who in thes had been leader of the Communists in the state of Rio Grande do Sul. This group ralliedeekly publication, Vanguarda Socialitta, launched by Pedrosa. Marxist but also avowedly Democratic Socialist, the newspaper


E- C-,

advocated free trade unionism and the formationrazilian Socialist Party. Under the aegis of the Vanguarca Socialista group in Sao Paulo, which was also active in Esquerda Demo-cratica,8 Convention of Esquerda Democratica changed the Party's name to Partido Socialista Brazileiro. and voted to admit without restriction the Vanguarda Socialista group.

il. Political Influence:

The PSBinor party both in the number of adherents and in parliamentary influence. It has one senator outomingos Velasco from Goias,utederal deputies. Only in the state of Sao Paulo, did itlate under its own name for federal deputies in4 elections and electedeputies, Roge Ferreira and Cory Porto Fernandes. outotal ofrom that state. There are more thanocialist mayors andocialist councillors. hristian Democratic Party member, Janio Quadros, was elected mayor of Sao Paulo3 with Socialist support. 4 Quadros was elected governor of Sao Paulo with the official support of only the Socialist Party.

Ideology and Objectives:

The PSB directs its appeal to the working class, tt has consistently upheld the right to strike and advocates labor union freedom and autonomy from government control. To effect greater benefits for labor generally, the PSB proposes to bring about by democratic process the gradual and prc-3ressive socialization of the means of production. The Party admits the possibility of achieving some of its specific social and economic endsapitalistic society but affirms its convictionefinite solution for socio-economic problems is not attainable without the execution of its full program. It advocates planned economic development by states, beginning in the economic sectors "on which the desired structuraland the productivity'of national labor depend organically.


These sectors are. above all. those of credit (with bankransport, the steel industry, electricity, the machine industry, and agriculture (with agrarian reform). Also advocatedoving salary scaleinimum wage tocertain stability of living standards" among salaried classes. The PSB program calls for the preservation of strategic minerals, for the prohibition of their export, for the establishment of an atomic energy program, and for the development of Petrobras, the Brazilian petroleum monopoly. The PSB program is to be achieved through independence from other political parties, though not through isolation.

IV. Trade Union Work:'

8 the Brazilian Socialists have had moderate success in the trade union movement, notably in Sao Paulo. In the period following the re-election of Getulio Vargas0 the Socialists gained adherents among trade union leaders and.esser degree, among the rank and fifcof those disillusioned with both Vargas and the Communists. In recent years more lower echelon trade union leaders have been joining the PSB. An important factor in this development was the strike of six unions in Sao Paulo Most of the leaders of the strike were independents, and some of them were Socialists. In the months after the strike some of these independent leaders joined the Socialist Party.

V. Attitude Toward the Free World-Communist Conflict;

The PSB is an ultranationalist party which agitates on all popular issues on the side cf absolute neutrality. It seems in general to be opposed to Inlernational Communism, as illustrated by its disapproval of Soviet intervention in Hungary. On the other hand, its nationalism finds expression in attacks. "imperialism" in general, and against agreements concluded between. and Brazilian governments in particular. An example of such criticism is the PSB condemnation

ofBrazilian military accord whereby the U. S. is permitted toissile radar tracking station on the island of Fernando de Noronha. The PSB termed the"unconstitutional" because it amounted to the automatic commitment of Brazil to any war involving. /'politically unjustifiable" because the Brazilian people are against war except when attacked; and "morally without foundation. "

PSB espousal of nationalism of an. variety more often than not coincides with the position of the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB) and is exploited by the PCB. the PSB tends to look upon the PCBational Brazilian party ratherarty of the Internationalconspiracy. Thus the PSB. in its Manifesto oftated that it "considers that in all political parties, as in all sectors of the population, capable and patriotic persons exist who. on the basisrogram of immediate action, car. do much to prevent the country from falling into illegality or being precipitated into the armsof dictators. " Earlier, in February andhe Socialists had supported the PCB campaign for amnesty of political prisoners who were mainly indicted Communist leaders. The PSB also defends the legality of the PCB as essential to fulfillment ofliberties; and from time to time when the Communists have fought against government domination of the trade unions, the Socialists have cooperated closely rather than carrying on independent activities of their own.

The extent to which nationalism and ideology motivate the PSB to support the PCB on various issues, as opposed to support motivated by Communist infiltration, is uncertain. However, in supporting the Communists on various issues, certain Socialists must be considered suspect on the basis of their activities. For example. Senator Domingos Velasco, after his first visit to Communist China, sang its praisespeech before the Brazilian Congress. Subsequently, inelascoecond trip to Communist China



and proceeded on to Moscow to attend the World Youth Festival. PSB Deputy Roge Ferreira from Sao Paulo headed the Brazilian delegation to the World Youth Festival ir. Moscow innd also attended the Fourth Congress of the World Federation of Democratic Youth in Kiev in He is outspoken in criticism. and in praise of the USSR. More recently, the Inter-American Regional Organization of Workers {ORIT) chargedress release that Janio Quadros, who has cooperated closely with the PSB and who is the Governor of the state of Sao Paulo, had helped defray travel expenses for some of the delegates to the Fourth Convention of the Communist-dominated World Federation of Trade Unionseld in7 at Leipzig, East Germany. Quadros is also alleged to have sent "warm, friendly greetings" to the delegates at Leipzig. The text ofessage was printed in the Rio Communist Party paper, lmprensa Popular.

Socialist An^ri.-in-..

PSB has been invited by the Consultative an Secretariat of the Social

TMrS* ,




OCIALIST PARTY (Partido Socialista, PS)


The Socialist Party (Partido Socialista, PS) in Chile was formed in7 upon the confluence of the two main currents of Chilean Socialism, the Popular Socialist Party (PSP) and the.Socialist Party of Chile (PSCh). It hasepresentatives outn the Chamber of Deputiesenators out ofn the Senate. The Socialist Party groups within its ranks many ex-Communists, former Trotskyites, and Left-Wing Socialists. It claims that itarxist-Leninist party, with the dominant Ampuero faction looking toward the Titoist regime in Yugoslavia as an illustration of the creative application of Marxism-Leninism. The leaders of the PS accept the concepts of the class struggle and the dictatorship of the proletariat, while professing adherence to parliamentary means to establish the dictatorship of the proletariat.

The PS cooperates with the Communists in bothCommunist-led Popular Action Front (FRAP) and in the Communist-controlled labor confederation, Single Labor Central of Chile (CUTCh). This cooperation is marred by rivalry for leadership and by tactical differences. The PS views FRAP as an instrument of the workers to achieve power through their own efforts (Workers Front position). This position is opposed by the Communists, who believe that the present situation in Chile demands that the FRAP alliance be expandednational liberation movement" with the inclusion of the Radicals. The Socialist view recently prevailed within FRAP when Socialist Salvador Allcnde was designated as the FRAP presidential candidate for8 elections. The Socialists and Communists each haveembers onmember

National Directive Council of CUTCh. although the Communists composed the largest single delegation at the First National Congress of CUTCh held

Although Socialist -Communis: cooperation is marred domestically by rivalry and tactical differences, the two parties are in agreement in exploiting issues running the whole gamut of Chile's political and economic relations with. Internationally the PS advocates that Chileosture similar to that of the so-called neutrals, such as Yugoslavia, India, and Egypt. And the PS tends to identify itself with the so-called Socialist bloc opposed to capitalism and imperialism.

A considerable number of Socialists have collaborated closely with the Communists. These are listed in Part VIII of the Chilean section.

The PS, as did the PSP, participates in theCommittee of the Latin American Secretariat of the Socialist International and was the host fromo8 at Santiago for the First Conference of Economic Experts of the Socialist Parties of Latin America and for the Third Conference of the Consultative Committee. These Conferences embraced the agendaonference ofand Socialist Parties of Latin America previously

proposed by the PSP and accepted by the Consultative Committee of the Latin American Secretariat of the

Socialist International.

The principal dissident Socialist group in Chile at the present time is the Independent Socialist Party (PSI} which was formed8 from the SocialistMovement. The PSI adheres to Democratic Socialist principles and is anti-Communist. Whether it can make serious inroads into the PS remains to be seen.

I. Background:

The Socialist Party was formed in7 upon the merger of the two main currents of Chilean Socialism, the Popular Socialist Party (PSP) and the Socialist Party of Chile (PSCh). These two factions had existed as separate parties The Socialist Party is thus the principal manifestation of the Chilean Socialist movement, which Was organized3 as the Socialist Party of Chile.

The initial Socialist Party was formedide variety of Leftist elements composed largely of white-collar and professional workers whoess militant forrr of Socialism than that offered by the Chilean Communist Party. 6 the Socialist Party joined with the Radicals, Communists, and minor Leftist parties toopular Front government. Beginning with the electionst least one group of Socialist dissidents has run separate candidates in every succeeding congressional election. One of the most serious Socialist splits occurred8 over the anti-Communist Defense of Democracy Law. The directorate of the Socialist Party supported the law, but the so-called Popular Socialists under Raul Ampuero maintained that it would adversely affect thehole. Consequently the Ampuero group split off to form the Popular Socialist Party (PSP). 1 the PSP itself suffered divisionaction led by Salvador split off to form the Socialist Party of Chilehe PSCh was then joined by most of the remnants of the old Socialist Party, which had become progressively weaker after the loss of the PSP faction.

The PSCh split from the PSP was over the question of supporting presidential candidate rbanez and specific political issues rather than any basic doctrinal differences. Upon its split from the PSP, the PSCh aligned itself with the Chilean Communist PartyPeople's Front" which

unsuccessfully supported Salvador Allcnde in the presidential elections After the election of Ibancz, the PSCh continued collaboration with the Communists in the National People's Front, which, with the addition of the PSP inas reorganized as the Popular Action Front (FRAP) embracing six Leftist parties.

In the period preceding the merger of the PSP and the PSCh; the PSCh, like the Communists, tonded to favor political pacts beneficial to the Left and Center rather than the PSP concept of using FRAPolitical action group of Marxist parties under Socialist leadership for theof political power. The extent to which the PSCh was infiltrated by the Communists is not clear, although some reports state that the PSCh was able to maintain itsin spite of collaboration with the Communists. Nevertheless, its domesticoreign policy lines were indistinguishable from those of the Communists. PSCh leader Allende was active in several Communist fronts and was the PCCh's most important mouthpiece during this period.

The PSP supported rbanez2 and was closely associated with his administration through the congressional electionsn which the PSP more than tripled its previous congressional strength. Soon thereafter, differences developed between the PSP and rbanez, and the PSP went into opposition. Untilhe PSP rejected any firm political alliance with the Communist Party, despise willingness to work with it on labor issues and "anti-imperialist" programs. The Party statutes stated that such an alliance was impossible because Communistsare "agents of expansionist Soviet totalitarianism" and place the interests of the Soviet Union above those of native workers. The PSP, in this period, also sharply criticized PSCh leader Salvador Allende for accepting an invitation to Moscow in Nevertheless,

the PSP on6 joined with the Communists in the Popular Action Front (FRAP) to fight against the arrest of all leading officials in Chile's central labor confederation, the Single Labor Central of Chile (Central Unica de Trabajadores del Chile, CUTCh) which the PSP had been instrumental in forming PSP leader Ampuero justified his party's decision to ally itself with the Communists on the basis that the Communists were changing, as indicated in the call for Communist-Socialist collaboration by the CPSU at its Twentieth Party Congress in The PSP subsequentlyilitant position against the government's economic stabilization program and sought to extend PSP influence over the labor movement.

The present Socialist Party electedentral Committee of eighteen members. According to the best available breakdown, the Ampuero group of the PSP won eleven positions on the Central Committee as well as the position of Secretary General. The six remaining positions were filled by three members of the PSCh and threeof the PSP. The members of the Central Committee are as follows:

Salomon Corvalan Secretary General of the PS. Candidate

of the Ampuero group who won over Eugenb Gonzalez byotesormerly local Secretary of the Socialist Party and the PSP in Concepcion andeputy. Was an "Ibanista" and tried to specialize in economic affairs in the Chilean Congress. Is notistinguishedalf-brother of Luis Corvalan of the PCCh Political Commission, but reportedly has no ties with Luis, either political or personally.

Tomas Chadwick

voles); Lawyer, former leader of the PCCh.ember and leader of the Trotskyist Revolutionary Workers' Party. ersonal fortune and belongs to one of the aristocratic Chilean families.

Sergio Mena

votes): Employee of the Public Employees and Journalists* Fund. Former leader of the Popular Socialist Youth Federation. Ampuero follower.


votes): Leader of the Single Labor Central of Chile (CUTCh). Ampuero follower.

Ampuero Eduardo Ossorio


otes): Former deputy from the Second District of Santiago. Ampuero follower.

Cesar Jobet

votes): Leader of the Congress for Liberty and Culture. Professor of history, and author of several books on Chilean political evolution. Ampuero follower.


votes): Secretary General of the Popular Socialist Youth Federation. Ampuero follower.


is candidacy sponsored by Aniceto Rodriguez. ersonal friend of Ampuero,

Mario Gar ay

votes): Employee ofthe Ministry of Public Works. Ampuero follower. Pro' posed Ampuero's presidential candidacy,

Almeida otes): Former leader of the PSP.


ormer leader of the PSCh and Secretary General of the FRAP.


votes): PSP senator from Temuco. President of the Organizing Committee of the Socialist Congress. Voluntarily renounced his candidacy for the Secretary Generalship of the new party, saying that he had no political experience and was not acquainted with the national political leaders because he had'lived many years in the provinces.

votes): CUTCh leader, and former

PSP leader. Subsequently

joined the PSCh.

Sepulveda fielarmino Elgueta

votes): Ampuero follower.

ormer deputy of the PSP from Chiloe.


ormer Secretary General of the PSCh, prior to Salvador AUende,


eader of the PSP in the commune of San Miguel.

Political Influence:

The Socialist Party hasepresentativesSPSCh) outn the Chamber of DeputiesenatorsSPSCh) out ofn the Senate. It has an estimated



backingotes, an estimate based on the7 congressional elections. The present Socialist representation compares unfavorably with that secured by the PSP and the PSCh separately in the congressional elections In3 elections the formerenators andeputies, the latter one senatoreputies. It is difficult to estimate with any degree of accuracy the true strength of the former PSCh faction because many of the votes of the outlawedParty accrued to it. The Socialist Party's influence is concentrated in the urbanndustrial centers, although the PSP in3 elections was the only party besides the Radical which obtained votes in every district in the country. The Socialist Party's influence is extended through participation in the Popular Action Fronthich now includes the Communists and two minor Leftist parties.

III. Ideology and Objectives:

Tho Socialist Party groups within its ranks many ex-Communists, former Trotskyites, and Left- Wing Socialists. It claims that itarxist-Leninist party, with the dominant Ampuero faction looking toward the Titoist regime in Yugoslavia as an illustration of the creative application of Marxism-Leninism. The leaders of the PS accept the concepts of the class struggle and the dictatorship of the proletariat, while professing adherence to parliamentary means to establish the dictatorship of the proletariat. What form the dictatorship of the proletariat would take should the PS achievehether it wouldne-party government as in Yugoslaviaovernment led by the PS with participation by other political parlies--is not clear, lt is clear, however, that the PS desires to gain control of the Chilean government, which is allegedly supported by "United Stateshis desire is so strong that the Socialists would probably not berto achieving power through revolutionary means if the opportunity should arise.

The Socialists claim that their Party is the instrument by which the workers may achieve power, in contrast to the Communist Party, which treats laborool of the Party, In economic matters, the Socialists favor the organization of labor by syndicates wherein the workers wouldoice in production and distribution similar to that exercised by the Yugoslav workers through the Workers'any Socialists, particularly the Ampuero faction, somehow consider lhat they muse be even more 'left0 than the This tendency, as well as political expediency! leads in practice to doctrine being used oftenustification for action rather thanasis for action. ood example is the Socialist "Workers' Front" concept, which is opposed within FRAP by the Communists, who desire toNational Liberation Front" alliance to include the Radical Party, RAF-Radical alliance would enhance the influence of the Left in Chile. However, because of the desire to be more "left" than the Communists and because the Communists and Radicals have joined forces against the Socialists in past alliances of this nature, the Socialists have formulated the "Workers' Front" concept and justified it on the basis that it is the correct doctrinal position.

Although the Socialists use doctrine to justify their actions, they are also influenced by doctrine. For example, there are indications that the Socialists have accepted at face value the Twentieth CPSU Congress line on Socialist-Communist collaboration. This acceptance is indicatedeluctance to criticize Soviet foreign policy,ore ready assumption of Communist views, and iirthe discussionossible United Workers Party. The latter two tendencies arc also indicative of an unrealistic attitude toward the Com* rrrunistft which has plagued the Socialists since athe Socialists have found it hard to accept the fact that every time they have allied themselves with thehe latter have taken advantage of the alliance to infiltrate and weaken them.


The Socialist Party directs the appeal of its program to the working class, including, white-collar workers, and to rr.tddle-class professional elements. It is opposed to the present government and seeks to achieve powerWorkers' Front" composed of Marxist parties aligned in the FRAP. Itasic Socialist program to include progressive nationalization of the extractive industries, agrarian reform, revision of the tax structure, laborinlexible salary scale based on fluctuations in the cost of living, and repeal of the Defense of Democracy Law. In the international sphere the Socialist Party platform calls for

a fight to establish Socialism in all the Americas;

coordination of economic and political planning for all of Latin America;

fraternal relations with popular movements in Latin America and opposition to colonialism in Asia and Africa;

a battle for the destruction of the Organization of the American States; and

opposition to capitalism and imperialism.

The platform, particularly the "Workers' Front" concept, represents the dominance in the Party of the Ampuero faction of the former PSP. Instrumental in presenting this concept was Tomasormer Communist Central Committee member who was expelled from the PCCh6 because of his Trotskyist position. The concept of no political alliances outside FRAP was opposed as unrealistic by the Communists and by the Socialist faction led by the former Communist and Trotskyite, Oscar Waiss. Waist commented that the Socialist Party had drawnlan for

revolution and assuming power without possessing either the organization or the means. The plan was contradictory in another sense; it condemned the liberalism backed by the Committee for Cultural Freedom but elected as one of its directors Julio Cesar Jobet, who was active in that

IV. Trade Union Work:

Historically, the Socialists in Chile have vied with the Communists for leadership of the labor movement. Socialist-Communist rivalry during the years of the Popularedplit in the labor movement, the Communist labor confederation emerging somewhat stronger than the Socialist confederation. 3 the Popular Socialist Party joined with other political parties active in the labor movement, including the Communists, to form the Single Labor Central of Chile (CUTCh). Initially, CUTChredominantly anti-Communist leadership, although the Communists occupied five key postsommunist-orientated president was elected. The Constituent Congress of CUTCh agreed in3 that the organization would remain apart from politics and not become the instrument of any political party. However, with the formation of the PSP-Communist political alliance within FRAP inUTCh has increasinglyine similar to the Communist World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU) and has received some financial support from the WFTU. Although points of difference between the Socialists and Communists constantly arise, the two parties are cooperating closely within CUTCH. For example, it is reported that the Socialist andmembers of CUTCh's National Executive Council meet in advance to formulate agreed positions so as to be able toolid front at Council meetings. The Communists, particularly since the Twentieth Party Congress of the CPSU inave been disposed to make some tactical concessions to the Socialists in the interests of Socialist-Communi st collaboration.

The relative strength of the PS in CUTCh' may be seen in the composition of delegations to the First National Congress of CUTCh held fromo Of theoting delegates,ere Socialists as comparedhristian Democrats,rotskyites.ndependents, Of the latter,ere estimated to be under Communist influence.

The Socialists and Trotskyites at the First National Congress oftCUTCharxist declaration of principles. This stand was strongly opposed by the Christian Democrats, who desired that CUTCh shouldroad-based organization open to all, fighting solely for the unity and interests of the workers rather thanool for political purposes. They desired to delete the Marxist emphasis from the statement of principles. The Communists in the Work Commission supported the Christian Democrats because theyroad-based organization not characterized as purely Marxistseful instrument which might serve to draw non-Marxist parties into the FRAP political alliance. However, in the plenary session the Communists,iew to continued Socialistchanged their position and supported the Marxist declaration of principles advocated by the Socialists and Trotskyites.

The statement of principles adopted by CUTCh portrays the Marxist orientation of the Socialist Party and provides common ground for both Communists and Trotskyites. It states that the present capitalist regime in Chile is founded on private ownership of the means of production in which the exploitation of man by man divides society into two antagonistic classes. The workers would replace the capitalist regime by working through political parties. CUTCh's primary objective would be to organize all workers as well as to support


ovement to regain control of Chile's raw materials, to carry out agrarian reform, and to expropriate imperialist firms without compensation. War wasonsequence inherent in the capitalist regime, and support was promised for all struggles for national liberation.

In the voting formember National Directive Council of CUTCh, the Socialists and Communists each secured ten positions, the Independents two, and the Radicals three. The parity of the Socialists with the Communists on the National Directive Council reflects the fact that the Communists, although having the largest number of delegates, needed an alliance toajority. Concessions made by the Communists to the Socialists also reflect the need by the Communists to tread softly during the period when the Communist Party is illegal.

V. Attitude Toward the Free World-Communist Conflict:

As previously noted, the Socialist Partyarxist-Leninist organization. Its ideology and basic objectives are virtually indistinguishable from those of the Communists. In spite of these similarities, the Socialist and Communist Parties are competing for the role ofthe leading Marxist party in Chile. Both parties view their cooperation in FRAP and CUTCheans toward this end. Between the two partiesajor difference over tactics to be employed by the United Left or FRAP in its efforts to gain power. The Communists maintain that the "Workers' Front" concept advocated by the Socialists is valid only under conditions favorable for the immediate seizure of power. In the Communist view such conditions do not now exist in Chile. They hold that the present situation in Chile demands the creationnational liberation movement" in alliance with the petit bourgeoisie (Radicals) toovernment of national liberation. In an apparent move toward the Communist position, Socialist Party Secretary General

Salomon Corvalan reportedly assured the late Gala Gonzalez Diaz. Secretary General of the PCCh, that the "Workers' Front" position of the Socialist Party would be given loose interpretation in practice. However, in the FRAP Convention ofhe Socialists succeeded in having Salvador Allende nominated as the FRAP presidential candidate8 rather than FRAP'sadical candidate.

Although Socialist-Communist cooperation is marred domestically by rivalry and tactical differences, the two parties are in agreement in exploiting issues running the whole gamut of Chile's political and economic relations with the United States. Vociferously attacked through themedia of both parties are. imperialism" and. economic aggression" in Chile, particularly the Klein-Saks mission, the Organization of the American States, and the Chilean-U. S. military agreement. Support is also voiced by Socialists and Communists alike for all "popular" movements in Latin America, Asia, and Africa fighting against regimes allegedly supported by. imperialism."

Internationally the Socialist Party advocates that Chileosture similar to that of the so-called neutrals such as Yugoslavia, India, and Egypt. At its Unity Congress in7 the Socialist Parly votedroposal which would have equated Soviet imperialism with alleged United States imperialism. This resolution, proposed by Julio Cesar Jobet and Florencio Galleguillos (sinceostulated that the Socialist Party shouldosition of criticism, not only of capitalism, headed by the United States and other industrial powers, but also of Soviet imperialism, headed by the bourgeois* leadership of Russia. " As reported in the Leftist daily Ultima Hora and in La Nacion, the Socialist Party at ils Unity Congress tended to identify itself with the so-called Socialist Bloc opposed lo capitalism and imperialism. This inclination toward the Communist Bloc was made in


the hope that within the Bloc groups of democratic tendencies would ameliorate the excesses of the Communist system in accordance with indications appearing at the Twentieth Congress of the CPSU.

Several reports state generally that the Socialist Parly is infiltrated by both the Communists and the Trotskyites. The extent of this infiltration is difficult to determine. First, thereack of specific information on this subject. Secondly, it is difficult to determine whether Socialistwith the Communists is due to infiltration, the coincidence of objectives, or the ideological affinity existing

between the Socialist and Communist Parties. It can be said that certain Socialists are suspect because of.

activities and background. Some of them, together with

data on their collaboration, are listed below in Part VIII of

this section.

VI. International Socialist Associations:

The Socialist Party, as did the PSP, participates in the Consultative Committee of the Latin Americanof the Socialist International without being affiliated directly with the Socialist International, previously noted, was the host for the Socialist Conferences held at Santiago in The PSP viewed the Consultative Committeeeans "toontinental, organic, and unitarian feature to the action of the revolutionary parties of Latin America. " The PSP consideredink between the sister parties of the Rio Plate, which are European in origin and structure, and the "massive, indigenous revolutionary movement of the Pacifiche PSP, through the Consultative Committee, would have the opportunity, as envisaged by Bolivar, of making the bold effort of grouping together in one organization "all the Democratic, Socialist, Nationalist, and revolutionary forces of Latin America. "

Inhe PSP, participating for the first time in an international Socialist conference, sent Federico Kleinelegate to the Asian Socialist Congress at Bombay. Klein was so outspokenly anti-American and pro-Communist that he was criticized by several Asian Socialist delegates.

Between the old PSP and the Yugoslavslose doctrinary relationship which presumably will be carried over into the unified Socialist Party. Thisestablished by PSP leaders Oscar Waiss and Aniceto Rodriguezisit to Yugoslaviaas been maintained through publications of both parties and through an infrequent correspondence between them. The optimistic Yugoslav interpretation of the Twentieth Congress of the CPSU reportedly was the deciding factor in prompting PSP leader Ampuero to believe that the Communistwas changing, and that therefore the PSP couldwith the Chilean Communist Party.

The influence of the Yugoslavs had also prompted the PSP not to seek affiliation with the Socialistdespite participation in the Consultative Committee 'of the Latin American Secretariat of the Socialist In7 Raul Ampuero, former PSP leader andember of the Central Committee of the Socialist Party, visited Yugoslavia to study the structure of the Yugoslav government and the system of workers' self-ma nagement.

VII. Dissident Socialists:

The dissident Socialist group in Chile at the present time is the Independent Socialist Party (PSI) which was formed8 from the Socialist Recovery Movement (Movimieito de Recuperacion Socialista). This latterhad previously embraced the anti-Communist Socialist


Federation which had been organized in selected areas for the7 congressional elections andotes. Led by Florencio Galleguillos. the PSI is also anti-Communist and proposes to attain "the restoration of Socialism" through evolutionary,means. Whether the PSI can make serious inroads into the PS remains to be seen. The voting strength of the PSI is estimated to beotes.

SOCIALIST PARTY OF ECUADOR (Partido Socialista del Ecuador, PSE)


The Socialist Party of Ecuador (Partido Socialista del Ecuador, PSE) was formedhen elements dissatisfied with the evolution of the first Socialist Partyommunist Parly split off from the Communist Party of Ecuadorhe PSEarxist Socialist party. Its immediate objectives and final goalevolutionary transformation of Ecuadoran society coincide with Communist aims. This identity of interests has led to close Socialist collaboration with thein the labor, youth and student fields. There has also been intermittent Socialist-Communist political cooperation, generally directed against the Conservative Party andof the Right. Within the framework of this cooperation some rivalry for leadership exists between the PSE and the Communists.

The PSE is divided into Left and Right Wing factions, primarily over the question of political tactics. The PSE Right Wing, which has been dominant in recent years, has favored alliances with the Right to combat the Conservative Party. In such alliances the Communists have been formally excluded, but their support has been accepted. The Left Wing has favored an "authentic democratic front" of the working class to include the Communists. At the PSE Congress held in Quito in8 the Left Wing gained unilateralof the PSE. At least superficial unity of the two factions was again achievedpecial congress, held at Ambato on1nredominantly Right Wing directorate was elected. The PSEf theeputies in the Chamber of Deputiesenators of then the Senate.

The Socialists have led the Confederation of Ecuadoran "Workers (CTE)9 and nowositions onmcmber CTE Executive Committee comparedor the Communists. They have favored the continued affiliation of the CTE to the Communist-dominated Confederation of Latin American Workersn'affiliate of the Communist World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU). However, the Socialist-Communist leadership was challenged at the Seventh CTE Congress heldnd the possibility existsuture splithallenge to its Communist political orientation similar to that which occurred in the National Student Federation (FEUEJ. plit occurred in FEUE over the question of supporting Soviet intervention in Hungary. Subsequently,esult of continuing rank-and-file pressure, the acting president of FEUE announced in7 theof FEUE from the Communist International Union of Students (IUS). At the Fourteenth FEUE Congress in7 the pro-Communist faction resolved tolebiscite on the matter inut the anti-Communist faction considered the disaffiliation as final.

The PSE and the Communists arc as one in attacking the United States; and the PSE, particularly its Left Wing, has tended to identify itself with the Soviet Bloc. In this situation it is even more difficult than normally to attempt an identification of-Socialists who may be Communist However, some differentiation of PSE leaders may become more readily discernible as opposition increases to Socialist-Communist leadership in the student and labor

The Left Wing faction of the PSE rejected the invitation to participate in the Conferences of Latin American Socialists held in Santiago, Chile, fromo However, this decision was reversed by the new directorate formed at the Ambato Congress, and the Ecuadoran Partyelegate to the Santiago conferences. This delegate agreed that the PSE would be the host for the Fourth Conference of the Consultative Committee at Quito in


I. our.d:

Th* present Socialist Party of Ecuadorike th* comnuiatol Futj of Ecuadorerived from the old Socialist Party of Ecuador formed 3 the first Socialist Party began to participate in the Communist Third International1 changed its name to Partido Comur.ista del Ecuador (PCE). Dissatisfied with the ticiics of the PCE and the Party's subservience to Moscow, ifliSJifUnt elements3 formed the present Socialist Party oi Ecuador in order tc solve social problems through their own application of mr.rxist principles.

The PSE in general has achieved only moderate successountry Little touched by revolutionary tendencies in the Communist The upper-class elite, the armed forces, and the Catholic Church have dominated political life through ths Libertl and Conservative Parties. The majority of the population is composed of generally illiterate and politically apathetic Indians working or. the large agricultural estates, and revolutions and counterrevolutionsonstant feature of the national political life.

In the years immediately following its establishment, however, the PSE made significant gains. In the constitutional conventionor example, the PSE controlled one-third ot the delegates. Ths policy of the PSE during thisas to form political alliances with any party willing to combat governments considered by the Socialists to be dangerous. Generally such alliances were formed with other Left parries to combat the Conservative Party (Ecuador's largest party) and other Right Wing elements. Pursuant to this policy, the PSE in the middle ands (Popular Front period) formed "friendly" relations with the Communists. Thesehave been maintained, with some interruptions, to the

present, principally because of the PSE fearivision of the Left would benefit the Conservatives.

4 the PSEoose coalition, the Democratic Alliance, which united political elements from the far Right to the Communists and which overthrew the Liberal dictatorship of Arroyo del Rio. The Socialist and Communist Parties, which dominated the Democratic Alliance, then delivered the presidencyon-Leftist, Velasco Ibarra, and occupied several high government posts. From this vantage point the two parties effected government support for the unification of organized labor groups into the Confederation of Ecuadoran Workers (Confedcracion de Trabajadores del Ecuador, CTEJ. They also dominated the Constituent Assembly, which drafted the Constitution However, friction soon developed between Velasco Ibarra and his Leftist supporters. In5 the Socialists and Communists occupyingposts resigned, 6 Velasco Ibarra suspended the Constitution and with Conservative support was proclaimed president However, the Socialists, Communists, and Liberals opposed Ibarra and forced his removal in

In the presidential elections8 the PSEoalition with the Liberals, but the election was won by the Independent Citizens' candidate, Galo Plaza. However, the PSE electedembers tomember Chamber of Deputies and achieved considerable Influence during part of the four-year tenure of Galo Plaza. In1 two PSE leaders were appointed to the Cabinet, Colon Serrano as Minister of Economy and Dr. Carlos Cueva Tamariz as Minister of Education. In the elections2 the PSE joined in the National Democratic Alliance, uniting the Independent Citizens and six other parties in support of Eduardo Salazar Gomez. However, the election was won by Velasco Ibarra. PSE representation in the Chamber of Deputies dropped fromo

5 5


he PSEosition of resolute opposition. In the election*6 the PSE joined with the Liberals to form the National Democratic Fronthich backed LiberalRaul Clemente Huerta. Although the Communists were formally excluded from the FDN, Communist support was tacitly accepted. The election was won by Ecuador's present prjlid 'n'i Camilio Ponceonservative Party member. The PSE, as in the case of the previous Ibarra Government, immediatelyosition of resolute opposition. This opposition continues.


In numbers of representatives in Ecuador's bicameral legislature the PSE ranks as Ecuador's third largest party. Itf theeputies in the Chamber of Deputiesenators of then the Senate. By contrast the Communist Party has one senator and no deputies. In recent elections the PSE has ranked behind the Conservatives, Liberals, and thede Fuerzas Populares (CFP). PSE membership is estimated to be, of which anre nominal followers of Left Wing elder statesman Manuel Agustin Aguirre. Conflict between the majority Right Wing and the Left Wmg faction has seriously weakened the PSE. The strength of the PSE derives primarily from labor, student, and intellectual groups in Ecuador's main cities.

and Objectives:

The PSEarxist Socialist party which is grouped primarily into Left and Right Wing factions. The Left Wing faction can be sub-dividedure Marxist group which has boycottad the PSEroup headed by Victor Zuniga which has worked within the PSE in efforts to gain control of the Party.


In recent years the Right Wing faction led by Juan Isaac Lovato has controlled the PSE. However, the Left Wing elements headed by Victor Zuniga, President of the Confederation of Ecuadoran Workersained control of the PSE at the PSE Congress held In Quito fromo esult, Zuniga was appointed editor of the official PSE organ, La Tjerra, published in Quito.* The Right Wing, led by Juan Isaac Lovato, challenged the decisions of the Congress on the basis that they were takenuorum and were therefore illegal. His group calledpecial Congress which was subsequently held at Ambato fromo

The special congress was attended by anf whom were from Quito and other outlying areas. Guests included prominent Communis! and Liberal Party leaders. Dr, Carlos Cucva Tamariz, rector of the University of Cuenca, and Dr. Luis Pachano Carrionnity movement which resulted in apparent Socialist unity forlections. The results of the congress constituted an ideological victory for the PSE Left Wing, for the congress rejected any political alliance with the Vetasquistas or the Cor.centracion de Fuerzas Populares (CFP) and left the way open for possible agreements with the Communists. Other resolutions were similarly favorable to the Left Wing; and La Tierra, the

leaders of the Left Wing faction as revealed in

its Executive Committee formed at the Twenty-fifth PSE Congress held in Quito fromo8 are

Leonardo Munoz, Secretary General

Victor Zuniga

Fabian Jaramillo

Miguel Angel Guzman

Nelson Leon

Luis Riofrio

Ruben Silva.


; hg -t

PSE dailyuito, remained in Leftist hands. The newly-elected Directorate, however, was inclined toward support of Juan Isaac Lovato, leader of the PSE Right Wing. Of the prominent Left Wing Socialists, only Victor Zuniga was named to the new Directorate. *

The new Directorate of the PSE consists of

Ricardo Cornejo. Secretary General

Guillermo 3aquerizo

Victor Zuniga

Eliecer Irigoyen

Florencio Gonzalez

Jose Perez Arellano

Davil Villena.

The alternates are

Washington Cevallos Silas Jose Jaramillo Hidalgo Pablo Duque Arias Abdon Calderon Captain Jorge Povcda Noe Villacreces.

Prominent Right Wing leaders not on the Directorate are

Juan Isaac Lovato Gonzalo Oleas Zambrano Manuel Davila Emilio Gangotena Corsino Cardenas Humberto Garcia Ortiz Luis Maldonado Tamayo Luis Maldonado Estrado Alfredo Gomez Arellano Alfredo Hernandez Zamora.

Subsequently the Right Wing Socialists in the important province of Pichincha breached the agreement made at the Ambato Conference and concluded an election alliance with the CFP. The Left Wing Socialists refused lo participate in this alliance and Manuel Agustin Aguirre agreed toompeting Communist-front list of candidates. The Right Wing Socialists then expelled nine Left Wing Socialists from the Party including Dr. Aguirre; Miguel Araua, head of the Medical School of Quito University; and TeLmo Hidalgo, head of the Pichincha Workers* Federation, Both factions are seeking rank-and-file support.

Although the PSE is divided into Right, Left, and extreme Left factions, all factions accept Marx's tenets and agree that the Party's ultimate objectiveevolutionary transformation of Ecuadoran society. ransformation would include an agricultural and industrial development of Ecuador in which Ihe people would benefit, ratherovernment of "reactionary feudalism" and "North American imperialism". Aware that only about one-fourth ofillion labor force is employed in the manufacturing industry as contrasted with nearly one-half in agriculture and forestry, the PSEevolutionary alliance between workers and peasants to effect agrarian reform. Large estates would be nationalized and the land distributed to the peasants who now work these properties. Particular efforts would be made to solve the problem of the Ecuadoran Indians. For labor generally, the PSE advocates such much-needed reforms as wage increases, workera forty-hour week, and social security for manual workers. In pursuit of these objectives, the PSE has long collaborated with the Communist Party in the labor, youth, and student fields.

The PSE is bitterly anti-clerical aad resolutely opposed to the Conservative Government of Camilio Ponce Enriquez. 7 the controlling Right Wing of the PSE intensified its attacks on the Catholic Church and the Ponce

Government, such attacks in some instances appearing stronger than those of the Communists. There was also an increased disposition to cooperate unofficially with the Communists in efforts to form an anti-Conservative front. The Bight Wing was also instrumental in securing municipal premises in Quito for the Sixth Congress of the Communist Party, and spokesmen for both the Right and Left Wings of the PSE participated in the PCE' Sixth Congress.

Although the Right Wing of the PSE recentlyore leftward orientation, it failed to bridge the gap between it and the Left Wing even though making concessions to the Left Wing at the Ambato Conference. This gap has stemmedfrom differences over political tactics to advance the PSE's program. The Right Wing has felt it necessary to commit the PSE to political alliances with the Right as well as the Left in order to maintain "Ecuador's scant democracy" and to advance the PSE program through Ecuador's existing political institutions. Such alliances with the Right have frequently involved PSE collaboration with the Liberal Party, such as in the National Democratic Front (FDN) formed5 to support the Liberal candidate, Raul Clemente Huerta, in the presidential elections The PSE Bight Wing hasarxist-Leninist justification for such alliances, pointing out that during the Bussian Revolution the Bolsheviks formed similar ties to reduce the power of the bourgeoisie. In alliances such as the FDN, the PSE Right Wing has officially rejectedmembership but has unofficially welcomed and accepted Communist support.

The Left Wing of the PSE, whose elder statesman is Dr. Manuel Agustin Aguirre, has viewed Socialistwith the "class enemy" (Liberal Party)etrayal of Socialism to the bourgeoisie by Bight Wing intellectuals in the PSE. In its view the PSE shouldevolutionary workers' party collaborating only in an "authentic democratic


front" of the working class. This front would include theand other "democratic" elements and would seek to intensify the class struggle in Ecuador. The Left Wing has criticised Communist support of Liberal-Socialist alliances, claiming that in refusing to support such alliances it is following Marxism better than the Communists. Nevertheless aclose doctrinal affinity exists between the Left Wing and the Communists, and Dr. Aguirre has stated in effect that it is useless to insist that thereifference between Socialism and Communism.

The Left Wing of the PSE has been actively opposed to the PSE Right Wing leadership sincehen the PSE Provincial Council of Pichincha, composed of members of the Left Wing, resigned in protest against PSE participation in the National Democratic Front (FDN). In6 some Left Wing adherentsheory and Action Fraction whichime was subsequently known as the Center of Marxist Studies. This group was divided between those who wanted toew party and those who felt that the only course was to renovate the PSE from within. The former group boycotted the PSE Congress It subsequently continued activitieseparate Theory and Action Fraction but failed to achievesupportew party. In7 the Fraction beganeries of Marxist orientation courses, which sponsorship was not to be construed aseparate political movement. This group derives its main support from labor, principally the Federation of Workers of Pichincha (FTP).

Those Left Wing elements who elected to renovate the PSE from within apparently rallied around CTE President Victor Zuniga. Although supporting the FDNunigailitant Left Socialist. At the Sixth PCE Congress in7 Zuniga stressed the need to unite all workers "to safeguard democracy" and asserted that workers in the PSE



and PCE "constitute the vanguard against reaction". He also Uuded "the heroic struggle"of the Communists throughout the world "in defense of the rights of the workers". In7 Zuniga went to Moscow to attend the Fortieth Anniversary of the Bolshevik Revolution.

IV. Trade Union Work:

As previously noted, the PSE, in conjunction with the Communists and other Leftist supporters of Velasca Ibarra in4 revolution, was instrumental in uniting organized labor groups into the Confederation of Ecuadoran Workers (CTE). Because of Socialist and Communist political support, the government of Velasco Ibarra initially encouraged labor unions and financially supported the first Congress of the CTE in Although the CTE beganoint Communist and Socialist federation, the Communists initially dominated the organization. They secured seven positions on the first national executive committee to four for the Socialists. Pedro Saad, present Communist leader and functional senator for labor from the coastal region, won the position of Secretary General against the bid of the rival Socialist contender, Juan Isaac Lovato. The Communists were also instrumental in securing the affiliation of the CTE with the Communist-dominated Confederation of Latin American Workersegional affiliate of the Communist World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU).

The PSE has subsequently continued to cooperate with the Communists in labor matters, wherein an improvement of the lot of the worker is the stated objective of both parties. Witbin the framework of this cooperation, however, the Socialists have competed with the Communists for positions of leadership. 9 the PSE had succeeded in ousting the Communists from the majority of positions on the CTE

National Executive Committee, Since that time the Communists have not been able to win moreositions on thememb Executive Committee. The Socialists haveajority of the remaining positions, including that of president. Communis concern is indicatedtatement made5 by the now dissident Communist Modesto Rivera Jarrin. At that time Rivera stated that the PCE must make efforts to throw the Socialists out of important positions among the workers.

Under the predominantly Socialist leadership thestrength of the CTE and its affiliates has declined in recent years. The CTE is now estimated to haveember as opposedlaimed membership The CTE conforms to the usual pattern of labor organizations and consists of two main groupings: (a) provincial federations which include unions grouped togethereographic basis and (b) functional federations which unite unions by occupationational basis. Under this arrangement an individual union may belong to both the provincial affiliate where it is located and also to its own national functional federation.

The largest and most active CTE provincial affiliate is the Federation of Workers of Pichincha (FTP) which includes the capital city of Quito. This federation has been the source of strength of the extreme Left Wing faction of the PSE and until recentlyreponderant influence on the CTE. The extreme PSE Left Wing still controls this important labor federation, although the Communists exert considerable influence through two members of themember Executive Committee. The current president of the FTP is Left Wing Socialist Jose Telmo Hidalgo Diaz, who

The affinity between the Communists and the PSE (particularly its extreme Left Wing) is aptly illustrated in the resolutions with political overtones proposed for adoption by


the FTP Executive Committee Some of the resolutions were (a) advocacy of agrarian reform, to include giving land to the peasant farmers and liquidating large estates as the only means of freeing the Indian; (b) rejection of the "colonizing role" of foreign capital; and (c) opposition to holding the next Inter-American Conference in Ecuador becauseonference would be used to "rivet the chains of oppression on the Latin Americans allegedly occurred in Guatemala.

With respect to the Ecuadoran labor movementhole, important developments occurrederious split in the CTE was revealed at its Seventh National Congress held at Guayaquil, Independent and Rightist elements, represented mainly by the chauffeur and textile unions, walked out of the Congress in protest against the policies of the partisan Socialist-Communist leadership. These elements particularly disagreed with the attempts of the CTE leadership toation-wide strike in support of the workers of. -owned Manabi Exploration Company. The Seventh National Congress of the CTE was also markedecline in influence of the extreme PSE Left Wing leadership of the Federation of Workers of Pichincha (FTP). This group, led by Jose Telmo Hidalgo Diaz, found itselfinority position at the Congress and consequently abstained from voting for the new CTE Executive Committee.

A new CTE Executive Committee was electedote of less than half of the delegates. Selected were five Socialists, three nominal Communists, one dissident Communist, and two Independents. The President of the CTE is Victor Zuniga, who emerged as the leader of the Left Wing Socialist elements actively working within the PSE in efforts to gain control of the Party. The election was marked by cooperation between the Communists and the so-called moderate Socialists represented by the Right Wing elements and Left Wing followers of Zuniga. Other Socialists elected included



Nelson Chavez Olmedo Octavio Teran Wilfredo Leon Camus Pablo Rafael Duque Arias.

The CTE adopted two resolutions which follow thepolitical line. These resolutions wereemand for termination of all nuclear experiments and (b) an expression of "solidarity" with the Communist World Federation of Trade Unions and its Fourth World Labor Congress, subsequently held in7 at Leipzig, East Germany.

However, Socialist/Communist leadership of the CTE is reportedly threatened by rank-and-file sentiment to remove political influences from the CTE. The walkout of anti-Communists at the Seventh National Congress noted above is considered symptomatic of this sentiment. CTE Vice-President Noeight Socialist, heads the opposition favoring the removal of political influences. The possibility thus existsplit in the labor movementhallenge to its Communist political orientation similar to that which occurred in the National Student Federation (FEUE) when its acting president in7 announced the withdrawal of FEUE from the CommunistUnion of Students (IUS).

V. Attitude Toward the Free World-Communist Conflict:

As previously noted, the PSEarxist Socialist party. Its immediate objectives and long-range goal are toevolutionary transformation of Ecuadoran society coincident with Communist objectives. This identity of interestsed to close Socialist collaboration with the Communists in the labor, youth and student movements, although both parties are competing for positions of leadership. While citing ideological affinityimilarity of objectives as the ba

for such collaboration, spokesmen of the dominant PSE Right Wing have emphasized that the two parties are separatedprofound difference in thsir concept of the methods to be used to transform ths country socially and politically". Politically, the PSE Right Wing has opposed any formal alliance with the Communists in tha belief that open association or collaboration with the PCE would alienate rather than attract votes. It has, however, accepted verba! or unofficial Communist support in elections and hasformal alliances with the PCE for local municipal elections in isolated areas where the stigma of Communist association is not considered harmful. The PSE Left Wing, on the other hand, would formally accept the Communistsorkers' anti-Conservative front.

Communist spokesman Gonzalo Villalba Coloma recently stated that relations between tbe Communist and Socialist parties were better than they had been for some time,esult ofsupport of Independent-Socialist candidate Carlos Andrade Marin, who won the Quito mayorality elections inlthough their support was not officially recognized, theactively participated in the election committeesAndrade and at times achieved outright control of some committees.

The Fourth National Congress of the Socialist Youth of Ecuador (Juventud Socialista del Ecuador,eld ir. Quito oneaffirmed maintenance of close relations with the Communist Youth of Ecuador (Juventud Comunista dtl Ecuador, JCE) . It alsoroposal for affiliation with the Communist World Federation of Democratic Youth (WFDY) and rejected affiliation with international Socialist movements on the basis that they are dominated by North American imperialists.

The capability of the Socialists and Communists to control student and labor activities through collaboration has declined recently. At the Thirteenth Congress of the Ecuadoran Student


Federation (Fec'eracion de Eatudiantes Universitarios, FEUE) in6 anti-Communist students who objected to FEUE affiliation with the Communist-front International Union of Students (IUS) bolted the Congress. Inn response to continuing pressures, the acting head of the FEUE announced the withdrawal of FEUE from the IUS; this action, however, was subject toby the next FEUE Congress. At the Fourteenth FEUE Congress held in Guayaquil inplit occurred on this matter, an anti-Communist faction considering theas finalro-Communist faction, including Socialists, planning tolebiscite on the matter in Similarly, as previously noted, fissures appeared at the Seventh National Congress of the Ecuadoran Federation of Workers (CTE) held in Guayaquil in Although the Socialist-Communist leadership was maintained and support for the World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU) was reiterated, an opposition movement displayed considerable strength and appears tootential for further growth.

Although rivalry exists between the PSE and PCE within the framework of their cooperation in the student, youth, and labor movements and some differences as to tactics separate the two parties in poetical matters, they arc as one in attacking the United States. Both parties follow the line that the Poncehas destroyed Ecuador's national sovereignty through acceptance. economic aid. Both parties denounce "North Americanarticularly such "instruments" as the United Fruit Company, for impeding the agricultural and industrial development of Ecuador. The Inter-Americanscheduled to be held in Quito9 is also opposed by both parties, which termeans for. to maintain economic and political subjugation of Latin America. The triumph of Castillo Armas in Guatemala was attributed by the PSE to the "bloody and shameless intervention of forces representing the great North American monopolies". More recently the PSE, through its official organ La Tierra, chortled over the failure of. satellite while lauding the USSR and "Socialist superiority".


I'j has been reporced that most Ecuadorans tend to view thed Communists as one and the same. On the basis of the facts discussed in the preceding sections, grounds do admittedly exist for this conciusicn. In this situation it is even more difficult lhan normally to attempt ar, identification of Socialists who may be CemmuRist penetrations. However, such Socialists may become more readily discernible as opposition increases to Socialist/ Communist leadership in the student, youth and labor movements. Such opposition is likely to cause some Socialists to differentiate their positions from those of the Communists. For example,6 Hugo Herdoiza Herrera, Left Wing Socialist President of FEUE, condemned Soviet intervention in Hungary over theof the Communists.

V2. International Socialist Associations:

The Ecuadoran Socialist Party has beeno participate in the international organizations rt Democratic Socialism. On the contrary, as previously noted, it pa .cipites in the Communist World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU) through the Ecuadoran Confederation of Workers (CTE) and in the International Union of Students (IUS) through the Ecuadoran Student Federationhe Consultativeatin American Secretariat of the Socialist International clcc'.ed a: its fitst meeting ini a* Montevideo to invite the PSE toember cf the Consultative Committee. Humberto Maiztegui of the Latin American Secretariat subsequently



attempted to obtain the PSE's participation and issued anto the PSE to participate in the Socialist conferencesheld at Santiago, Chile, fromoowever, the Left Wing faction which seized control of the PSE at its Twenty-Fifth rejected participation in the proposed Latin American Socialist gathering. This decision, however, was reversed by the new andRight Wing directorate formed at the Ambato Congress. The PSE sent Gonzalo Oleas as its representative to the Santiago conferences. He participated as an observer and agreed that the PSE would be the host for the Fourth Conference of the Consultative Committee at Quito in



SOCIALIST PARTY OF URUGUAY (Partido Socialista del Uruguay, PSU)


The Socialist Party of Uruguay (Partido Socialista del Uruguay, PSU) was formed Its political philosophy resembles that of the German and French Socialist Parties. Itemocratic Socialist partyember of the Socialist International. Within the framework of Uruguayan democracy the PSU hasinor party, competing for theoer cent of the vote which has traditionally gone to the Left Wing minority parties. Icenator outn the Senateeputies inmember Chamber of Deputies.

The PSU is divided over the question of collaborating with the Communists in the labor field in order to achieve the PSU goalentral Union of Workers. Although PSU adherents are scattered throughout the labor movement, most of them are in the ant:-Communist Confederacion Sindical del Uruguay (CSU). In7 elections tomember CSU Directive Council, Socialistsositions, including that of president. The Right Wing faction of the PSU, led by its founder and General Secretary, Emilio FrugOni, until recently opposed any collaboration with the Communists even in "the labor field and viewed the CSU as the vehicle toentral Union of Workers. The Left Wing faction of the PSU, ler' by German D'Elia, PSU Secretary for Labor Affairs, favored Socialist collaboration with the Communist-controlledCommitteeentral Union, established in It sought unsuccessfully6 toocialist leaders in the CSU and to collaborate with thisfront organization. In7 it was announced that the PSU National Executive Committee had concluded that neither the CSU nor the Communist-controlled

Coordinating Committeeentral Union could accomplish the desired unification of the labor movement. This formula appears to have resultedetreat by the PSU Right Wingosition of no collaboration with the Communistsosition of willingness to cooperate with the Communistsew Central Union effected by neither the CSU nor the Communist-controlled Coordinating Committeeentral Union. However, the CSU at its Fourth Congress, held inesolved to"authentic labor unity" under its auspices. This stand resulted in the expulsion from the PSU of four Socialists active in the CSU, including the new CSU Secretary General, Idalino Fleitas. Thus, whether the retreat by the PSU Right Wing will lead to further Communist inroads in the Uruguayan laborwill depend considerably upon the ability of the PSU to assert party discipline over its remaining members in the CSU.

The PSUhird Force position in the Free World-Communist conflict and holds that Socialism shouldhird Force movement. It has condemned both Communist and capitalist imperialism, and in particular the "capitalistof North America. The PSU rejected overtures for Socialist-Communist collaboration made by the CPSU at its Twentieth Party Congress in6 and also rejected similar overtures made by the Uruguayan Communist Party (PCU). However, under the aegis of the PSU Left Wing, the PSU qualified its rejection of the PCU proposal of7 by stating: "It does not displease us to join with worker political forces in the development of an action favorable for the working people. "

Left Wing advocacy of cooperation with the Communists in trade union matters appears to have been promptedimited acceptance of the Twentieth CPSU Congress line andavorable assessment of the Chilean Socialist concept of unity of action with the Communists. Another possible factorto the PSU Left Wing's advocacy of collaboration with

the Communists in the labor field is Communist infiltration. However, except for Orisman Leguizamon, who was expelled from the CSV Directive Council for his collaboration with the Communists, firm identification of Communist penetrations is lacking.

The PSU participates in the Consultative Committee for the Latin American Secretariat of the Socialist International, which it viewseans to achieve "coordination of action between the Latin American Socialist and revolutionary parties against imperialism, feudal oligarchy, bourgeois reaction and Stalinism".

I. Background:

Socialist groups were formed in Montevideo as early5 by European immigrants and by Uruguayan workers who had been influenced by the founding of the Argentine Socialist Party Dr. Emilio Frugoni succeeded inthese groups to form the Socialist Labor Center or, as it waa later known, the Socialist Center Karl Marx. econd major Socialist group called Emile Zola was later formed These two groups merged under the leadership of Dr. Frugoni to form the Uruguayan Socialist Party (Partido Socialista del Uruguay, PSU) onecemberC.

The PSIf was formed as an essentially revisionist Marxist party similar to the German and French Socialist Parties. . Although radical in theory the PSU, like the European parties above, stressed democratic methods. This advocacy of democratic methods resulted in the Party's pursuance of pragmatic policies. In its declaration of principles the PSU accepted the Marxian thesis regarding the evils of capitalism, the division of society into two antagonistic classes,

and the necessity for the socialization of the means of production to achieve socialism. It stipulated, however, that themust take advantage of the rights inherent in democracy,thai victory by democratic means over the 'powers-that-be'recondition for the realization of its goal". Organization of the workers into trade unions was set forth as another ofeffective methods to resist capitalist abuses. In itsprogram the PSU advocated such measures as separation of church and state, compulsory and free educationecular basis, proportional representation on the basis of universaland the secret ballot, land reform, an eight-hour working day,inimum wage.

In elections09 the PSU received about two per cent of the total vote and secured one or two seats in the Chamber of Deputies. In the labor movement the PSU gained considerable influence at the expense of the Anarchists. Throughout thistruggle raged within the PSU between the revisionist Marxists who favored parliamentary means to achieve socialism and the orthodox Marxists whoore revolutionary approach. In0 theajority of the PSU .and decided to join the Communist Third International or Comintern. The remaining revisionist Marxists under the leadership of Frugoni split off in1 to reconstitute the PSUemocratic Socialist Party.

The new PSU had to start afresh in both the political and labor fields. After receiving only about one-half of one per cent of the total votes cast in the elections2he PSU received nearly one per cent of the total votes in the elections8 and elected one deputy. In subsequent electionshe PSU has increased its strength, averaging between two and three per cent of the total votes and electing one to three deputies. The PSU2 was also instrumental in settingrade union federation independent of the one controlled by the Communists.

Thc PSU throughout its history has been guided by its founder and present General Secretary, Emilio Frugoni. This remarkable leader was born0ell-known Montevideo family. Heegree in law and achieved recognitionoet, journalist, statistician, androfessor at Montevideo University. Frugoniupil of the founder of the Argentine Socialist Party, Juan B. Justo, with whom helose friendship. This relationship resulted in close cooperation between the Socialist parties of Argentina and Uruguay. Frugoni has always been an ardent champion of democracy and has firmly opposed the Communists.

The National Executive of the PSU elected for thes as follows:

Herbert Berriel Walter Burghi Jose P. Cardoso Guillermo Chifflet Antonio F. Coscia Andres F. Cultelli Gualberto Damonte German D'Elia Arturo J. Dubra Emilio Frugoni Eduardo Jaurena Humbcrto Maiztegui Hugo Prato Vivian Trias Francisco Troi?a

II. Political Influence:

Political life in Uruguay has traditionally been dominated by the Colorado and National Parties. Under their leadership.

civil liberties and representative government have been firmly established and considerable social legislation has been enacted. Within this framework the PSU hasinor party,for theoer cent of the vote which has traditionally gone to the Left Wing minority parties. The PSU has one senator out He is Jose Pedro Cardoso, who became the PSU's first elected senator in the elections Inmember Chamber of Deputies the PSU won three seats in the elections These are now held by Arturo J. Dubra, Vivian Trias, and German D'Elia. 6 percentage of total votes won by the PSU4 is the highesthen the PSU reached its peak8 per cent of the total vote. In the municipal elections, four Socialist councillors were elected for Montevideo, one for Salto and one for Rio Negro. In contrast to Socialist gains in the electionshe Communists lost their seat in the Senate and three of their five seats in the Chamber of Deputies.

UI. Ideology and Objectives:

The PSUemocratic Socialist party which subscribes to the principles of the Socialist International and strives to achieve Socialism within the framework of Uruguay's existing democratic institutions. Like most European Socialist parties, the PSU accepts democracyecessary condition forSocialism. At the same time, the PSUhole retains the Marxian view of the evils of capitalism. It accepts theof the class struggle and the theory of achieving Socialism through socialisation of the means of production.

The PSU directs its appeal primarily to the working class. Its manifesto of6 exhorted the workers to unite with the Socialist Party to achieve the following program: agrarian reform, unemployment security, control ofand credits, rebuilding of the public services, andevelopment directed toward social needs, redistribution

of Che national income, effective legislation against the rise in the cost of living, strengthening the labor unions, and increasing the strength of the Socialist Party.

Like most Democratic Socialist parties, the PSUeft Wing inclined more toward complete acceptance of Marxism than the Democratic Socialist leadership. In general, the Left Wing factions of Socialist parties are more violently opposed to capitalism than the moderate Socialists and are inclined to cooperate with the Communists in efforts to displace capitalism. In Latin America, these Left Wings are motivated further to cooperate with the Communists because of hatred ofhe alleged imperialist pillar of capitalist regimes in Latin America. The Left Wing of the PSU, although subscribing to parliamentary means, is no exception in these respects. It advocates unity of action with the Communists in labor matters and has frequentlyro-Communist labor line in the PSU newspaper. El Sol. At the present time the Left Wing seems tolight edge over the moderate faction of the PSU, which is opposed towith the Communists. As yet, however, there are no indications that the PSU Left Wing intends to effect changes in Party program and policy other than cooperating with thein the labor field.

IV. Trade Union Work:

The PSU officially views the trade union movementield of action in the class struggle but holds, in contrast to-the view of the Communist Party, that the movement should remain independent of political factions. The PSU trade union charter8 stipulates that the Party should seek to win the confidence of organized labor through clarity and correctness of policy, support of labor's interests, and unselfish collaboration. The PSU has thus not builtisciplined organization to direct its labor leaders, who are scattered throughout the labor movement.


This has resulted in Socialist efforts in the labor field being less effective than those of the more disciplined Communists. An attempt by the Left Wing of the PSU to reverse this position and unite Socialist leaders in support of the Communist-controlled Coordinating Committeeentral Union has thus far been unsuccessful.

Most of the Socialist labor leaders are active in the anti-Communist Confederation Sindical del Uruguayhich the PSU was instrumental in establishing. Socialist labor leadersositions onmember CSU Directive Council electedndositions, including that of president (Delio Troitinoi on the Directive Council elected at the Fourth CSU Congress held in However, in spite of the prominence of Socialists in its leadership, the CSU has refused to become ar. adjunct of the PSU. This independence was illustrated during the CSU Special Congress inumber of Socialistsajority of the CSU committee considering labor unity voted for collaboration with the Communist-controlled Coordinating Committeeentral Union. However, the CSU Congress in plenary session rejected collaboration with the Communist Coordinating Committee. More recently, at its Fourth Congress, the CSU resolved to promote "authentic labor unity" under its auspices. Thi6 standejection of the Socialist Party position that the CSU cannot effect labor unity, and resulted in the expulsion from the PSU of four Socialists active in the CSU, including the new CSU Secretary General, Idalino Fleitas.

The PSU has been on record since its Thirtieth Party Congress of5 as favoring the unification of all trade unions. Because of significant gains made by the Communist-controlled Union General de Trabajadores (UGT) and the establishment by the Communists in6 of the Coordinating Committeeentral Union, the problem of achieving labor unity has become increasingly involved with the

question of cooperation with the Communists. The Left Wing of the PSU, reportedly led by Deputy and PSU Secretary of Labor Affairs German D'Elia, has supported the Communistentral Union since the creation of this Frontin The moderate faction of the PSU led by Emilio Frugoni and reportedly Arturo V. Dubra has opposed any collaboration with the Communists. This factional split runs through the PSU itself and through Socialist leaders in the labor movement.

The two factions in the PSU appear to be fairly equal, the Left Winglight edge. SU resolution of6 was interpreted by the Left Wing faction to mean that PSU members arc obliged to participate in the Communist-controlled Coordinating Committeeentral Union. Prior to the Special Congress of the CSU in6 the PSU Left Wingarty position threatening expulsion from the PSU of Socialist members in the CSU, including President Deiio Troitino, if they did not press for CSU participation in the Coordinating Committeeentral Union. However, this threat was not then carried out because several Socialists in the CSU refused to be intimidated, and the CSUhole refused to cooperate with the Coordinating Committee.

The pro-Communist slant given to labor issues in the PSU newspaper El Sol also indicates that the Left Wing exerts major influence on this organ, if not control. This pro-Communistbaa been particularly evident since the resignation of Eduardo Jaurena in Jaurena resignedpecial of E' Sol refused to permit publication of an article which. labor and which was prepared in response to an attack. labor made previously in El Sol. On7 German D'Elia, in the name of the PSU National Executive Committee, published in Eltrong statement of support for OrismanSU member who was expelled from the CSU for collaboration with the Communists in the rice strike and events following that strike.



The moderate faction of the PSU has been handicapped because of the illness and age of its leader, Frugoni, Although Frugoni still has great prestige and is important to the PSU because of his financial support, he does not command sufficient following within the PSU toesolution against PSUwith the Communist-controlled Coordinating Committeeentral Union. esult of this weakness, the PSU during most7 followed an ambiguous policy concerning unity of action with the Communists in the labor field. For example, the Thirtieth Ordinary Congress of the PSU held in7ocument on labor unity stating

the document was published to enable PSUcounteract "demagogic Communistand

"the doctrine of labor unity postulated byof this Congress does not imply thatnot be in all unions, nor does its platformexclude any labor group outside its orientation".

Subsequently an attempt was made by the PSU National Executive Committee toosition acceptable to both Right and Left Wing factions. 7 it was announced that the PSU National Executive Committee had concluded, aftermeetings with Socialist labor leaders in the CSU and with those Socialists active in the Communist-controlled Coordinating Committeeentral Union, that neither labor organization could accomplish the desired unification of the labor movement.

However, the formula noted above failed to deter the PSU Left Wing from its advocacy of collaboration with the Communist-controlled Coordinating Committeeentral Union. In the7 issue of El Sol Emilio Frugoni felt it necessary to warn all PSU members against participation in theCommitteeentral Union and stated that free unions

can remain free onlyemocratic society. On the same page oi El Sol Left Wing PSU member Raul Sendic stated that the PSU in its lineentral union does not exclude any sector, whatever its orientation.

Subsequently the formula appears to have resultedetreat by the PSU Right Wingosition of no collaboration with the Communistsosition of willingness to cooperate with the Communistsew Central Union effected by neither the CSU nor the Communist' controlled Coordinating Committeeentral Union. etreat is indicated in the resolutions of the PSU Ordinary Congress held In the resolutionentral Union of Workers the PSU stated that the majority of the labor movement wishes to eliminate division andentral Union of Workers which would include all unions whatever the ideology of their leaders. etreat is also indicatedetter7 from Emilio Frugoni to the Executive Committee of the PCU which rejects the Communist proposal of7 for Joint action. Although he had previously rejected such Communist proposals, Frugonientence stating literally: "It does not displease us to join with worker political forces in the development of an action favorable for the working people. "

The above developments in the PSU must be interpretedain for the PSU Left Wing. This conclusion is also borne out by other results of the PSU Congress, principally the vehement condemnation of the CSU and more detailed criticism of the ICFTU's Inter-American Regional Organization (OR IT) as opposed to the Communist Conicdcracion de Trabajadores de'.ir.ii The mi'- sequent SXpulSlon from the PSU of four Socialists active in the CSU for not following Party instructions is another indication of the ascendancy of the Left Wing, ln so far as the PSU can by asserting Party discipline over its remaining CSU members damage the CSU, the result could well be further Communist inroads in the Uruguayan labor movement.

V. Attitude Toward the Free World-Communist Conflict:

The PSUhird Force position in the Free World-Communist conflict and holds that Socialism shouldhird Force movement. This position was officially adopted by the Thirtieth Congress of the PSU which met in Montevideo On the one hand the PSU repudiated Stalinistsystem that denies freedom and Socialism, that rests on police terror and state capitalism, and that leads to the shameful exploitation of the working masses at the hands of the bureaucracyrivileged minority of the party." On the other hand the PSU rejected "capitalist imperialist exploitation of colonial regimes which brings despair and starvation to millions of people representing more than two-thirds of mankind". It condemned "in particular the capitalist imperialists of North America who deprive the Latin American countries of their wealth and maintain them in backwardness and poverty, adding to the oppression imposed upon these countries by their own oligarchies and It expressed solidarity with all anti-imperialist and anti-colonial movements and pledged support to the people of all continents struggling for self-determination and for freedom from foreign occupation and domination.

The call of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) at its Twentieth Congress in6 did not change the PSU's Third Force position. The PSU in6 rejected CPSU overtures andosition similar to that of the Socialist International. Dr. Frugoni stated that the attack against Stalin was to the Socialiststrategic spectacleiew to easy penetration by Communists of the free democratic world".

Subsequently, as noted in the trade union section, the Left Wing of the PSU has advocated unity of action with thein the trade union field. This stand seems to have been promptedimited acceptance of the Twentieth CPSU Congress line, particularly the view that the Communist movement is


changing toward liberalization. Considerable impetus for this view was reportedly provided by the visit of Chilean Socialist leader Raul Ampuero to Montevideo in He expounded the Chilean Socialist concept of unity of action with thein the light of the Twentieth Party Congress of the CPSU. Another possible factor contributing to the advocacy by the PSU's Left Wing of collaboration with the Communists in the labor field is Communist infiltration.

The Communist Party of Uruguay (PCU) has increasingly sought to effect unity of action with the PSU in matters both of politics and of labor. In spite of PSU rejection of its earlierfor joint action, the PCU on7enewed appeal to the PSU. In his reply7 Emilio Frugoni again rejected the Communist offer for joint action but, as previously noted, left the door open for Communist-Socialist collaborationentral Union of Workers.

Althoughhird Force position, the PSU is violently anti-American. At its Fourteenth Special Congress in Montevideo onhe PSU repudiated all military pacts in the Americas. It demanded "the repeal of the Inter-American Defense Treaty, signed in Washingtonecause it is an instrument of imperialist American domination, and of the military pact signed in the USA. It termed military treaties "instruments in the hands of oligarchic-imperialistic reactionaries in Latin America disguised under the cloak of anti-Communism". tand obviousLy plays into Communist hands, as does PSU propaganda support of"liberation" movements in colonialSU advocacy of trade with Communist countries.

The extent of Communist infiltration in the PSU is uncertain. There are several reports slating generallyumber of the PSU Left Wing favoring collaboration with the Communists are infiltrated Communists. However, these


members have not been identified. Another report states that Communist penetrations of the PSU appear chiefly in the labor and youth sections of the Party. Most reports concerning Communist penetration of the PSU are inferred from views expressed by certain PSU members supporting Communist objectives. Whether such views result from Communist penetration or stem from the

VI. International Socialist Associations:

The PSUull member of the Socialist International and participates in the Consultative Committee of the Socialist International's Latin American Secretariat. The PSU also supplies the Secretary of the Socialist International's Latin American Secretariat, Humberto Maiztegui. The PSU has to date followed the lead of the Socialist International on such important issues as the Twentieth Congress of the CPSU and Soviet intervention in Hungary. Because of French intervention in the Suez, the PSU demanded the expulsion of the French Socialist Party (SFIO) from the Socialist International unless the French Socialist rank and file repudiated its leaders. The PSU views participation in the Consultative Committee of the Latin American Secretariat of the Socialist Internationaleans to achieve "coordination of action between the Latin


Re so lutions of the Third Conference of Ihe Consultative Committee of the Latin American Secretariat of the Socialist International and Delegates Indorsing'thesc Resolutions (Santiago.o

Taking into consideration the fact that foreign dominion and control of the basic resources of Latin American productionetermining factor in the colonial and dependent character of its economyecisive drain on its financial resources, be it resolved that the basic objective of the Latin American Socialist policy shall be the integration to its economy of the sources of its raw materials, taking back the ownership and control of these materials from foreign dominion and

In consideration of the fact thatone of the new forms of imperialistic penetration of Latin America consists of direct investment of foreign capital in the industries which produce for local consumption, often in partnership with Latin American capital; that in this way the foreign investors take advantage of protectionist legislation and the market created to favor national industry; and that in this manner our destiny is being progressively endangered by burdening indefinitely our disposable holdings with the obligation to serve and amortize their capital, be it resolved that we denounce the danger of this form of foreign penetration as

an instrument of imperialism for the purpose of converting the Latin American middle classes into their unconditional allies, with an eye to displacing the genuinely national in* dustry of the Latin American market, and that we protect the branch businesses of our economies from being supplied with capital goods coming from foreign countries; that we

support the development of Latin American heavy industry and of its sources of energy under our own trade mark as the only way to prevent this new form of economic vassalage.

3. In consideration of the fact that. is carryingrotectionist policy in relation to its domesticby means of subsidies, price supports, exportation of excess agricultural supplies in the form ofixing of exportation rights, and tendentious regulation of its purchases in Latin America, while at the same time. proclaims itself outside the country asiberal economy which it tries to impose on the rest of the world, be it resolved:

we denounce the protectionist policyeal aggression against

we show up the danger of theset forth by. foras one which tends to disarmweaken Latin America inmake it possible for theto exploit our economy

we claim the inalienable right of thenations to sell theirto any country in the world,account their commercial conditions.

4. In consideration of the fact that the OAS and its legal instruments, especially the Caracas declaration, binds Latin America to solidarity with the North American political line and permits joint action in these countries to suppress popular movements under the pretext of fighting Communism, be it resolved;

to denounce the OAS publicly as an instrument for the political subjugation of Latin America


to the imperialistic designs of the U.nd to support the abolition of the treaties which affect the sovereignty* and independence of the countries of Latin America;

proclaim the necessity of creating, inthe OAS. an intercontinental Latinwhich, insofar as it expressesof the people, can serveasis fortogether, for solidarity, and forand social development of the

5. In consideration of the fact that the Catholic Church, in transforming itself into the strong political bulwark of the most regressive forms of social organization, hasitself more and more closely with the capitalist system and in recent years with that ofe it resolved:

a. to denounce publicly the reactionary and pro-imperialistic character of the action of the Catholic Church in Latin America and Its alliance with capitalistic groups, and to call on the people to struggle openly against this new attempt to use religioneans of political, national, and social subjection:

b. to denounce the close political relation between the Catholic Church and the regressive Latin American dictatorships, which the Ch-irch abandons only when popular insurrections get out of hand, to appear lateractor in an oligarchical restoration under the misleading formalse democracy;

say that Socialism,efender ofconscience, is respectful of the faith of

all peoples, but that this does not prevent it

from rebelling against political interference on the part of religious organizations.

ln consideration ol the fact that the Pan American military commitments and the bilateral pacts between our countries and. mean the conversion of Latin Americaartar machine which is foreign to our interests, be i: resolved lhat we call upon the peoples of Latin America toast continental movement in behalf of the total and absolute repeal of the above* mentioned commitments, thus regaining our full sovereignty over our armed forces.

In consideration ofthe fact that the expenditures for national defense in Latin America constitute one of the moat important causes for the poor economic condition

of our countries! be it resolved to make an appeal to the Latin American governments for an agreementeciprocal limitation of armaments.

declares that cultural andbetween peoples must be adjusted alongwill not further the ideological penetration of The need for international relations inof education and scientific research iathe progress of the people, for which reasonthe colonialist practice of using suchinstruments to lull and lessen the strength ofconscience of our peoples. That isin the case of foreign interference in theand university institutions of learning. reason we believe that there shouldargein the national budgets for education. should be transformed into ain the fulfillment of the essential objectivesto elevate the human condition of the men andLatin America.

he resolutions noted above were indorsed by the following delegates:*

Argentina: Dr. Alicia Moreau de Justo, member of the Executive Committee of the Argentine Socialist Party, Chief of the International Department, and director of the newspaper La Vanguardia. to the Consultative Committee.

(Dr. Leppoldo Portnoy, professor of world political economy of the faculty of economic sciences of the University of Buenos Aires. Delegate to the Conference of Economic Experts.)

Uruguay: Vivian TRIAS, professor of history, member of the Executive Committee of the Uruguayan Socialist Party. Delegate to the Consultative Committee.

(Mario Buchelli, professor of economic theory of the faculty of economic sciences of the University of theof Uruguay. Delegate to the Conference of Economic Experts.)

ALMEIDA, lawyer,

former Minister of Mines, professor of the faculty of political andsciences of the University of Chile. Delegate to the Consultative Committee.

(Raul AMPUERO.Diaz^ lawyer, senator, former Secretary General of the Socialist Party. Delegate to the Conference of Economic Experts.)

The designated party delegate tb the Consultativecast the official vote of each party.


Colombia: Dr. Luis Emiro VALENCIA, professor of the National University of Colombia. Secretary General of the Colombian Socialist Party. Delegate lo theCommittee.

(Dr. Jorge VILLA CantiUo. University professor. Expert in economic Delegate to the Conference of Economic Experts.)

Ecuador: Gonzalo OLEAS.. Official of the

Ecuadoran Socialist Party. to both the Consultativeand to the Conference of Economic Experts.



A CHAR, Galo. 5

lumida, Armando,GUIRRE, Manuel Agustin,1

ALLENDE Goasens, Salvador,4 ALMEIDA. Clodomiro, 5,0

AMPUERO Diaz, Raul,


ANDRADE Marin, Carlos,RAMBURU', Pedro,RAUZ, Miguel, RROYO del Rio, Carlos, 55

Armas, Carlos, 7 CEVALIOS, Salas, Washington, HADWICK, 6 CHAVEZ Olmedo, Nelson,HIFFLET. Guillermo,LETT Galleguillos, Victor

'imenta Joao,ueva tamanz, carlos,7.uneo, dardo, 12

damonte, gualberto, 74

davila. manuel, 58


dickman, enrique,


duoue arias. pablo

elgueta. belarmino, 33

Sergio, 47

farrell, edelmiro,erreira.

la lino. freire, luis. 68

frugoni, 82


gangotena, emilio, 58

garray, mario. 33

garcia ortiz. humberto. 58

ghioldi. americo. 2, 9


gomes, eduardo, 22

gomez arellano, alfredo. 58


HERDOIZA Herrera, Hugo,ERNANDEZ Zamora, Alfredo,IDALGO Diaz, JoseUERTA, Raul0

IBANEZ del Campo,0 IBARRA,2 IRIGOYEN, Ertecer, 58

JARAMILLO, Fabian,ARAM1LLO, HidalgD, Jose, AURENA, 8

lulio,0 JUSTO,4

KLEIN. Reidel.Federico.

LEGUIZAMON., leitejju

'Wiilredo,EON, Nelson,IMA, Hermes, 22

LLOPIS, Rodolfo,

LONG Alessandri, Eduardo,OVATO, Juan2

MAIZTEGUI. Humberto,,ALAVE Villalba,ALDONADO Estrado, luis,ALDONADO Tamayo, Luis,ANDUJANO, Manuel,NRA, Joao, 22

z, jasc. 5

MELLO, Plinio, 22

MENA, Victor Sergio,ONTESINOS, Victor Raul, s

Alicia.0 MUNIZ.6 MUNOZ. Emilio,UNOZ. Leonardo, 57

OLEAS Zambrano,1. Eduardo, 32

PACHANO Carrion, Luis. 57

PALACIOS. Calvarino,ALESTRO, Tito,EDROSA, Mario, 22

PEREZ Arellano, Jose, EREZ Jimenez. Marcos,ERON, Juan7 PLAZA, Galo, 55

PONCE Enriquez,7 PORTNOY, Leopoldo,ORTO Fernandes. Cory, 23


RAMIRIZ,2 REPETTO, Nicolas,EYES, Juan, 2Z, 4l

RIOFRIO, Luis.IVERA Jarrin, Modesto,ODRIGUEZ,2 ROJAS Pinilla,OMERO. Jose Luis, 16

SAAD, Pedro,ALAZAR Gomez, Eduardo,ANCHEZ Viamonte, Carlos,ENDIC, RaulEPULVEDA, Eduardo,ERRANO, Colon,ILVA, Ruben,OMOZA, Anastacio.TROESSNER, Alfredo, 5

TERAN, Octavio, Jose,



VALENCIA, Luis Emiro, 91

iARGAS.ELASCO,5 VILLA Cantillo, Jorge,ILLACRECES.5 VILL ALBA Coloma, Gonzalo,ILLENA. Davil. 58



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