preface
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communism subvehsiom: the threat and the challenge
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COMMUNIST SUBVERSION: THE THREAT AND THE CHALLENGE
Preface
The quantity of Western writing on the history of Communism in the Soviet Union and other countries behind the Iron Curtain is very large. On some aspects of Communist practices and theories^ the quality of these works is very high. Our statesmen, our scholars, and ordinary citizens have available excellen^authoritative histories of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union^ jfistories of theof the Soviet Union itself since the Communist revolutionA*
and Jhe careful studv of the motives and factors which have led to the
growth of Communism and its present stature in the world today.
The Communist leaders themselves, beginning with Karl Marx,
have written at tremendous length about their theories, thei* aims.
their ideals, their objectives, and their tactics. Tbe historic writings of Karl Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin, as well as other leaders of international communism,assive file of documentary evidence for study bytserious scholars. Khrushchev himself if one of'theymost prolific writers and speakers. He is backed up by hie greatest propaganda machine the world has ever known.
x.act- de.pa gan de -Btxnrtnrp.
Ilistake to dismiss the writings and speeches of Communist leaders as sheer propaganda. It is also wrong to accept wfaar they say as gospel. ave always been struck by the fact that we never really paid attention to Hitler and to the program which he set forth In such detail in Mainelieve that we in this country and elsewhere in the Free World have paid entirely too little attention to the statements of the Communist leaders as to what they have set out to accomplish and how they intend to accomplish it.
The Communists do not tell everything about themselves, but there is much less mystery about the Soviet Union and the objectives and practices of international communism than one is led to believe. They are obsessed with secrecy and haveall around their military secrets and their peoples to protect them from aliee eyes and influences. We have had to go to extraordinary lengths to gain basic information about the Communist countries which the Communists pick up about the Free World simply by living, traveling, and moving about outside the Iron Curtain.
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In myears of government service to every president of the United States since Woodrow Wilson and particularly in my capacity as Director of Central Intelligence, mountains of evidence have passed
across my desk to supplement our open information about Communist plans, intentions, and capabilities. The evidence acquired by intelli-gence served to confirm the impression conveyed by what we know about the Communists from open sources.
The theme of this book is Communist subversion. To subverse-means:
To overthrow from the foundation; to overthrow; to ruin utterly; to destroy; also, to upset, uproot, or the like.
To pervert or corrupt by undermining one's morals, allegiance, or faith; to alienate, as propaganda that subverts foreign-born citizens.
To destroy completely the existence, potency, soundness,f; to render futile, void, inoperative and the like; as to subvert another's arguments, principles of religion, the Constitution or the government.
This definition of subversion describes precisely the processes by which the Bolsheviks came to power in Russia} ^Tneir abandonment of hopesuick world revolution of the proletariat; the consolidation of power by Lenin in the hands of the pmv chosen revolutionary elite; the creation of the institutional machinery and the stabilisation of Soviet foreign policy in its relations with other states and political parties overseas; the phase of militacy aggression following World War II under Stalin's direction; and today, under Khrushchev, the tactic of alternate threatening and wooing which marks the era of so-called peaceful coy-existence.
.This study is concerned more with the present and with the future than it is with the past. ntend to concentrate on the single theme of subversion since this represents in my view the greatest non-military threat which this country and its allies and other countries in the Free World hae ever faced. o not mean to suggestoment that the non-military threat is not backed by tremendous
military power which the Communists would not hesitate to use if and when
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they see fit; but it is within the^ province of intelligence that thefor discovering, exposing, andf^countering subversion primarily rests.
The people of thisy they are basically opposed toelieve they are. However, this opposition is based more on instinct than on genuine knowledge. Itital task for Americans lo understand the ramifications of Communist intrigue, its
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purposes, and programs in order to be able to helpore effective answer.
I have long been concerned by our unwillingness to believe official
statements made by political leaders of other countries when we disagree
markedly with what they say orheir declarations seem by i
American standards to be bombastic or improbable.
Thereangerously complacent attitude among too many people in the Free-World today. Too many, motivated by wishful
their grandiose, unworkable, and insincere proposals for universal disarmament, and their exploitation of the fears of nuclear war. Too many conclude after wishful thinking that the present day Communist leaders have really changed their spots and that they want to settle down to live in peace with the Free World.
All our past relations with the Communists belie any suchSoviet plans, statements, and actions show that they have no real faith in co/existence.
For too long and by too many, subversive Communism has been viewed as just another international passing danger like those which we have faced before in the ambitions of malevolent dictators or the thrust for power by foreign potentates or rulers. We have assumed that if we remain strong at home, the danger will in time disappear.
The situation is not that simple. The threat is far greater, and the challenge and the response thus much more complex.
The threat is greater, first, because many Communists are not merely conspirators, but fanatically dedicated men. True, there are innumerable ^imj2jfcervers in the movement and nany who are corrupt, self-interested, or ineffective. There arc some indications that
of revolutionary fervor is diminishing somewhat in the Soviet Union,
Nevertheless, throughout the world, there are still thousands
of dangerous and rabid Communists, many of whom believe that they
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are working for the progress ofs they fee*-. They expect
to receive little material rewarcL and they do not seek the sense of
power which their leaders have found and which, they enjoy. Many
of the Communist* operatives are highly trained and extremely
competent. We are faced not with mere conspiracy, but with genuine
revolutionary fervor.
eople, we Americans have never given to the study of
Communism the depth and breadth of effort sufficient to understand h>
it adequately anu prepare to meet it. This cannot be done merelyup new machinery, in government orjcreatlonoldadministrative measures.
We need in the Free World more tiiucetjpn^an the weiwie structure
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and practices of the international (communist movement. ,
Our schools and colleges offer ample studies in ancient history, philosophy, and courses on the great movements of the past, but the courses on Communist theory and practices^especially below the level of graduate study^are few andfar between. We owe at feast this benefit of an/education to our younger citiasens. We and they are threatenedevolutionary movement which7 has absorbedillion people, an aggressive movement which boasts blatantly and openly that it will destroy us and all the institutions which we hold essential to our freedom and to our spiritual and material growth.
Those who feel we can buy peace by compromise with aUiiwuhL^rgv are sadly deluded. Each concession we make merely strengthens the position of the Sovietand ability of the Soviet Union to continue its domination overpeople and to extend its influence abroad.
Our defense lies not in compromise, but in understanding and inntrong andk ip"owerT in marshalling our vast economic assets^ in concert with other Free
World countries' to counter Soviet efforts in economic penetration} and finally, in-the unmasking and neutralizingCommunisttechniques^wU^t-
It is to this specific purpose, that this book is eftuinJ. By illustrating Communist subversive techniques with examples from recent history, it ia my hope to increase the awareness of the Free World to the conspiratorial menace which international communism directs against our lives, our freedoms, and our most cherished institutions.
The over-all power of the fjree world is still vastly superior to that
of the Communist Bloc. If the Communists succeed in overwhelming
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us, it will be because of our complacency and because they were willing toar greater share of their power, sJtilL and resources to our destruction than we have been willing to dedicate to our preservation and the advancement of freedom.
Over the post Uoave served under every President of the United States, beginning with Woodrow Wilson, and generally in somerelated to Intelligence.
During these some decades, Soviet Russia and Communist China have become vorld powers doealnatlngillion peopleommonalien to its subjects as it is to America and the rest of the Free World.
Rot all of this immense conquest has been made by the direct use of
military force. In fact the greatest territorial gains by international
..Conununisra have been achieved by non-violent means; by the indirect, the
disguised thrust. The Comunists have employed assault by attrition as
partontinuing strategy of ruses, deceptions, and bluff calculated
to oop the morale and Bplrlt of the Free World and exploit the Weot's
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resulting irresolution. They have developedigh degree theof subversion.
Subverston ia defined as overthrow from the foundation; utter ruin; destruction. It encompasses not only individuals but political structures as well. The lost forty years have witnessed many tragic successes by the Comwunist world in subverting--cverthrwinfi--democratic governments and enslaving freedom-loving peoples.
For all their theoretical concern with social, ldeologlcaljandfactors, the fundamental Communist purpose has been the accumulation of power.
Toe-Free World's efforts to check and contain CansiuniBt expansion have notegree of success sufficient to guarantee either our integrityation or the continuance of our way of life. Indeed, the Communists have containeda shrinking perimeter.
They hove succeeded with astonishing ease in establishing theof their own untouchabllity--that the captured and enslavedthe Iron Curtain are immune to recovery by the Free World andonly area of contest is the remaining territory of the Freehere^lt^^ls^thata^wlth arrogant impunity^ challenges our
The people of this country are basically opposed to Communism. This opposition is based bore on instinct then on knowledge, but this Is not enough. Americans should oufficiently well understand the ramifications of Coomunist intrigue, its purposes and programs, to be able to helpan effective answer.
Awesome as has been the dynamic onslaught of Communism since the Russian Revolution, it has notatural phenomenon. On the contrary, the Soviet strategic attack on the Free World has followed guidelines of diabolical cleverness which exploit every political vulnerability and every human weakness to the ultimate benefit of the Kremlin.
It seems endlessly essential, then, to examine the ultimate goal of our enemy and examine, the methods through which Communism confidentlyto "bury us."
How have the Ccnsnunists achieved all tbat they have! What techniques will they utilize today and tommorow7
The practical value of post-mortems is not only to help us understand what ie past, but to help us prepare for and meet the future.
Too many embrace the conclusion that the Communist leaders have changed their spots, that they really want to live in peace with us. all our past experiences with the Communists belie any such Soviet plans, statements, and actions show that they have no faith in, muchesire for, coexistence. Yet so defensive baa become tbe outlook of the Free World that an alarming number of political leaderB and opinion makers apologize for and even deprecate the proved institutions and processes of our open and democratic societies. Worse, the cultural traditions of the West inhibit acceptance of protracted conflict with the Communist worldecessary and Inevitable way of life. The result is to temporize, or when actively challenged, to meet the Communist global threat with measures totally inadequate, then to accept with relief any apparent lessening of pressure when that particular Ccezcunl at-engineered crisis has passed.
Since World War II, Communist growth bas climbed from only three per cent of the world's population to one-third; the increase in area controlled, fromocr cent of the world's surface.
When Marx and Engelo wrote the "Communist Manifesto"entury ago, their opening wordB werepecter is hauntingspecter
of Communism." In the century since then, the Communists have steadfastly striven to bend history to conform to Marxist predictions, and today that specter is haunting not only Europe and Asia, but also Latin America. The Soviets arc determined to build this specter to even more menacing
proportions and to use it to haunt and harass the pree worldoint of eventual hysteria or paralysis.
international ccantunlsra has not changed its operating procedure since the days of the comintern and the comlnfonn. the ccarounifit party of the ussr, of which khrushchev is the current leader, ie the spearhead of the movement. itorldwide mission, formulated by lenin and stalin and now promoted by khrushchev but with more subtle techniques than those of stalin. this mission continues to be the subversion of thepree world.
from time to time moscow has made agreements such as the litvinov pact,ot to interfere in the internal affairs of other countries. on the strength of thie we resumed relations with the soviet state. Nov they arc eager to conclude like agreements of "friendship andwith all countries of the world. these pacts are not worth the paper they are written on. during world war ii, moscow ostensiblythe international comintern to propitiate the united states, its then wartime ally, however. its functions were carried on continuously in other forms.
what the free world views as the normal instruments of international relations and diplomatic practice, the communist world sees as weapons to be used against us. moreover, the international communist movement in the free world,otal of five million adherents, has proved itself to be the most successful instrument of foreign policy ever devised.
for too long, and by too many, Gubversive^communicm hos been viewed as just another international danger like those which we have faced before
from the .ambitions of malevolent dictators or the thrusts for power by foreign potentates and rulers. We hove assumed that If we remain strong at home the danger will In time disappear.
We are Btill too prone to believe that the Communist movement la no more than an International conspiracy of evil men. Interested solely ln their own power.
But the situation is not that simple. The threat is far greater, and
the defense, much more cctsplex.
The threat is greater, first, because many ConsnunistB are not mere
conspirators but fanatically dedicated men. True, there are innumerable
timeservers in the movement and many who are corrupt, self-interested,
or Ineffective. And there are some Indications that revolutionary fervor
is diminishing scnewhat in the USSR. Nevertheless, throughout tbe vorld
there are still thousands of dangerously rabid Communists, many of whom
believe that they are working for the progress of mankind--as they sco
it. They are ready to work and struggle with little material reward end
with comparatively little of the sense of power which their leaders enjoy.
Many of them are highly trained and extremely competent. We have to deal
not with mere conspiracy, but with genuine revolutionary fervor.
The threat Is greater than mere conspiracy, secondly, because the
Communists seem to offer what much of theundeveloped areao
striving for. The undeveloped countries are seizedasnlon for rapid economic growth and social advunce.
Wo know from history and frcn our own pioneer experience thatgrowth is not achieved easily. It Involves discipline, 6elf-sacrifice.
reat deal of bard work. The Soviets, however, promise to deliver Itlatter.
Nevertheless,^Communism is not the wave of the future. It isrepressive, atheistic, and intolerant. As such it will not satisfy the strivings of man. While it nay produce material strength, it docs not create moral values.
Moreover, Communists know the techniques foruthless discipline upon their own and other peoples. The world behind the Iron Curtain is nothing lessarrison State. Also, aa they have demon-
strated their ability to achieve rapid economic growth and quickly to
develop national power, they can advertise their accomplishments. Peoples
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in the undeveloped countries tend to see only the achievements of^Comau-nism; they overlook Its cost in terms of human dignity and political freedom.
If ve couldrospect of economic development without pain or sacrifice, we should doubtless triumph fairly easily over the Coauunist adversary in undeveloped countries. But^ where ve refrain from making false promises, the Communists have no euch inhibitions.
Ley
eople we Americans bave never given to the study ofyTcirmunlsm
the depth and breadth of effort sufficient to understand it adequately
and to gird to meet It. It can not be done merely by setting up new ma-
chinery of government or the creatingold War Executive, or other administrative measures.
i have long been concerned by our national unwillingness to give credence to official statements made by political leaders of other
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: countries when we disagree markedly with what they aay, or when their declarations seem, by american standards, bombastic or improbable. hitler's me in kampf, writtenide circulationermany andeep impression on the german people. in the united states it attracted little attention until the outbreak of world war ii, yet
; this book contained the blueprint of hitler's aggressive intentions, the
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manifest destiny of the reich and the anti-semitic persecutions. in retrospect, no campaign could have been more clearly forecast, and had americans paid attention to what hitler himself had outlined as his course, we would have been far better alerted to the dangers which hitler represented to our own country and to the structure of western civilisation.
the same can be applied to the writings of lenin and stalin.
ation wc were inclined to deprecate their theories ofevolution and the inevitability of conflict between^ctommunism and the free world. yet stalin's writings were circulated in tens of millions of copies throughout the soviet union and the communist world and, following the pressure of world events, eventually received serious attention in
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lenin's theories were never really codifiedandbook aa readily available as das kapital. lenin was prolific in his writings and in them can be discerned the many inconsistencies and paradoxes which today give
wide flexibility of choice to the leaders of'the Communist world.
The distillate of Lenin's treatises can be found ln the statements
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of Soviet leaders at Partyaaaa. At each Congress the verbiage iu immense, nevertheless ihe speeches foreshadow the policies which the Kremlin loaderss well as the rest of the Communistill follow in the future. They tell us in no uncertain words what they intend to do, and the Free World would do well not to discount what they say.
Communist ambitions are not inherited from tho old (Szar'ist
regimes, they seek much more than access to warm water ports and
to extend their nalional boundaries. They are aiming at nothing less
than domination of the world.
The Communistslueprint for conquest. It is not a
rigid plan detailing precisely when and where every blow will be struck.
Father, itlexible strategy permitting the Communists to adjust their
tactics to changing conditions. And they think they know what the edifice
of the future will look like: Itommunist house in which, they
say, our grandchildren will live. To attain their goal they propose to
use any and all means, violent or non-yiolcnt. i
World conquest is to Communists an article of dogmatic faith with which no compromise can be tolerated. Their weapons are both material and ideological, employable separately or in combination. Their military forces ore powerful and balanced, capable of general war or limited action as well as quasi-covert support of guerrilla operations.
But because the Kremlin recognizes that America canretaliatory damage upon their striking forces,stragetists hope to attain their Communist goalsnot calculated to incur American military"peaceful co-existence" is simply Communistnon-militaryor non-violent takeover. Theno secret of the fact that "peaceful co-existence*is afor external consumption, not for credence within the
And they preach revolution and change for others as zealously as they restrict these ideas from their own people.
Thereangerously complacent attitude among many people in the Free World. Too many, motivated by wishful thinking, grasp at every Soviet whim, their every call forheir grandiose and unworkable proposals for universal disarmament and shrill pleas to ban the nuclear bomb.
We need in the Free World more education on the whole history of the communist movement.
Our American schools and colleges offer ample studies in ancient history, in philosophy, courses on the great movements of the past, the conquests of ancient times from Alexander to Napoleon. But courses on Communist theory and practices are few and far between.
Yet, today we are threatenedevolution which7 has absorbedillion people; an aggressive movement which boasts blatantly and openly that it will destroy us and all the institutions which we hold essential to our freedom and to our growth, spiritually and materially.
imited few have studied Marx, the titular father of the Communist system. Here was one of the meanest, least admirable characters in his relations with other human beings*who ever existed. He was an unoriginal theoretical thinker. His economic writings were outmoded even when they appeared, and the Communists themselves are beginning to admit that Marx isompletely reliable guide for modern political aqtion.
Soviet objectives, drawn as they arc from the basic tenets of Lenin, have never changedhough Soviet leaders maintain that they can be realized^by' different means. For example, Nikita Khrushchev
said on
"Tho working class, by rallying around itself the toiling
peasantry, the intelligentsia, all patriotic forces, and resolutely
repulsing the opportunist elements who are incapable of giving up
the policy of compromise with capitalists and landlords,is in a
position to defeat the reactionary forces opposed to the popular
interest, totable majority in the parliaments, and
transform the latter from an instrument of bourgeois democracy
enuine instrument of the peoples' will. In such event,"
he added, "this institution, traditional in many highly developed
capitalist countries, may become an organ of genuine democracy,
democracy for the working'
Translated into less abstruse language, this declaration
meant that the Communists proposed to infiltrate free legislative
systems to take over parliamentary governments and to use
domocratic freedoms to destroy all vestiges of democracy.
We can also be sure that the Soviet leaders continue to accept
the view announced during Lenin's own time, in the Statutes of the
Third Communist International6hat "The Communist Party i
enters suchs Parliaments / not for the purpose of organisation work, but in order to blow up the wholeachinery and the parliament itself from within. "
. Or as Lenein put it: "No parliament can in any circumstances be for Communists an arena of struggle for reforms for the better* mcnt of the situation of the working class. . The only question can be that of utilizing bourgeois state Institutions for their own"
Despite the advertised Communist practice of manipulating democratic parliamentary systems for their own ends, there is yet no instance of the Communists1ountry by free popular elections. Unfortunately, Communists have achieved politicalwithout having majority status, and their subversion of free
countries has generally featured most if not all of the following ole-
ments:
The use of external force, or the overhanging threat of force;
The obtaining by the Communists through popular vole of at least an effec tivc minority position;
The willingness of other parties, most often the parties of the left, but in some cases even parties of the extreme right, to join in political alliances with, and to admit Com* munists to key positions in the government;
Communist manipulation of key Ministries to drive non-Communist elements from positions of influence.
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There are significant lessons to be learned from Communist subversive precedent. When Communists obtain an effectiveposition in any parliamentary body, itign of serious if not critical danger. If, in addition to that, they occupy important places in the Government and in particular control the Ministries of Defense and Interior, then that danger is greatly augmented and the country in question is ripe for takeover.
ommunist Party is establishedolitical force to be reckoned with, the next crucial factor is the ability of the Party to enter into alliances with other parties in order to enhanceelectoral appeal and above all to participate in governments formed by the alliance. The prospects and partners for such alliances--United Fronts or "popularary greatly among countrios.
When it is talking to Western audiences the Kremlin boasts lhat Ihe "Peoples' Democracies'1 are the result of spontaneous,political movements. It has tried, under the cover of the Soviet military threat, to exercise political power in the Satellites so as lo stage synthetic "popular elections" and establish synthetic "democratic
governments. " But in essence it is the .shield of Soviet military force
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which has made possible the political tyranny and economicare inherent in the present order throughout almost all of
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. Soviet leaders are keenly aware of the value of powerackdrop to diplomacy. They have frequently gone to extreme lengths to point out that unless the Soviet Union is militarily strong, it will suffer at the world's council tables, and Soviet intransigence during the long months of the nuclear testing and disarmament conferences stands witness to this. Thus Soviet military force serves as the big stick behind Soviet diplomacy.
This Soviet power isseful weapon of blackmail. It can always be used to intimidate nations who are tempted to align themselves with us, or vigorously to oppose Soviet policies in the cold war. Recall the blustering threats made to Norway and Pakistan subsequent to the U2 incident, to Britain when we based Polaris -equipped submarines in Scotland. It is hard to blame some of the nations who are more vulnerable to Soviet attack than the United States for being highly reluctant to incur Soviet wrath, or for trying toneutralist" course in the big-power struggle.
Another use of Soviet military potontial is that, by making the threat of war appear imminent, the Soviets can enhance theof their "peace" overtures. In "other words, if the Soviets can convince the world that wareal possibility, they can thereby make peace {even on Soviet terms) sound attractive to people who would be caught up in future combat. This threat ha* beeneffective in Japan where neutralism has flourished.
A few yearsould have thought that Communist Parties in Europe would experience great difficulty in ever again obtaining collaborators among non-Communist parties. Then the experienceas still vivid when the Communists tried to sabotage the war effort against Hitler until Moscow itself became involved. Today, however, the danger of parliamentary compromises with Communists in Europe and Latin America is not to be ignored. They have learned how to get elected, and once elected, how to manipulate their parliamentary representation. Further, they know quite well what types of parliamentary systems are most vulnerable to subversive action.
Communists endeavor in every possible way to influence the constitutional structure of free countries towardtrong Executive. They themselves have collective or one-man dictatorships reserving all power in the handsew elite, with their Party Congresses attended by hand-picked and powertooges. Presumably they judge this centralization of power to be the most secure form of government, the least subject to outside attack. The governments they find most vulnerable -to their tactics are those in which effective power is given to the people's representatives with little delegation to the Executive.
Insofar as electoral procedures are concerned they abhor anything in the naturewo-party system and majority rule which, by and large, hasulwark of free institutiona. Their effort is toultiplicity of parties confusing to tho electorate; this opens the door to intrigue and helps to strengthen the minority and diffuse support for the majority.
In general. Communists favor voting systems in which even small minoritieshance of placing deputies in parliament, and they have often found that the proportional system of voting serves themecret weapon.
1 do not wish to give the impression that the Soviets are limiting their range of subversive techniques to the single tactic of infiltrating Western parliamentary systems, and then taking over and destroying these systems. On the contrary, the weapons of subversion and of contrived civil war are always used wherever the Soviets find them advantageous.
Tho insidious Communist attack on parliamentarynot the stuff of which headlines are made. Yet the strategyunfold day after day, almost invisibly to all but
More dramatic, of course, is Communist guerrilla and paramilitary warfare. That this tactic is simply part of Communism's total offensive is often overlooked in the rush torush fire here and another there; but there is nothing sporadic about Communist intentions, and to the Kremlin each situation determines the particular means to be utilized.
The Free World is familiar with past Communist support of the Philippinethe Malayan guerrillas, the Vict Minh, and more recently the Pathet Lao forces. What these episodes have in common is their unfolding in areas and countries not fully accustomed to parliamentary processes, where the application of violence and terrorism seemed to thewifter and more certain moans of conquest than electoral and political manipulation.
In terms of practical planning and organisation, theactions of an overt oronspiratorialoviet officials who comprise tho elite Presidium of theCommunist Party of the Soviet Union (formerly ine of action has been agreed upon inPresidium members, its implementation begins,and adopting tactics through channels of overt and
The Soviet Communist Party, the Government, and the popular organizations--the three of which are synonomous for our purposes--place primary responsibility for overt implementation on those Party, Government, and popular organs clearly identifiable with open actions of the USSR: The Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Foreign Trade, the official information services, the Soviet Committee for the Solidarity of African and Asian Countries, the Union of Soviet Societies for Friendship and Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries, and other s.
The direction of subversive, including clandestine, efforts abroad is vested in two foreign departments of the Party Central Committee: The Committee for State Security (KGB) of the Council of Ministers, and the Chief Intelligence Directorate (GRU) of the Defense Ministry.
7 two foreign departments have existed within'the
Party Central Committee. The older of these two bodies is called
the international Section or Foreign Section, and is responsible for
maintaining relationships with Communist parties in the Free World.
The other foreign section, headed by Yuri A. Andropov, Soviet Am-i
bassador in Hungary at the time of6 uprising, was created7 and maintains relationships with the Communist parties of the Sino-Soviet Bloc. *
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The International Section is responsible both for staff support to the Central Committee and Presidium and for transmitting the instructions and views which establish CPSU policy with the leadership of Free World Communist parties.
The International Section is responsible for dealing with party functionaries who visit Moscow, debriefing and briefing them, and for arranging contacts between them and top Soviet policy makers. International Section functionaries travel abroad and transmit CPSU guidance during congresses of local Communist parties. In recent years many parties have been instructed to develop illegal party mechanisms usable for armed struggle and for clandestine subversion.
The CPSU International Section also probably controls the editorial policy of the international journal Problems of Peace and Socialism. This authoritative publication, distributed throughout the world, has in recent timesignificant amount of material on the role and development of illegal party activities in connection with "national liberation" struggles. International Section personnel frequently publish articles in such Journals as International Affairs to supplement advice and guidance passed openly or covertly to Free World Party leaders. Covert delivery of communications from the International Section to Free World Communist Parties is normally handled by Soviet diplomatic representatives or, where security counter-measures are rigorous, through KGB resident intelligence officers.
The KGB is charged primarily with the maintenance of the
security of tho Soviet stato. This is accomplished by means of an
extensive network of employees and informants throughout the USSR
and among Soviet citizens abroad. In addition to its basic security
function, the KGB Foreign Directorate engages in intelligence
collection and counterintelligence activities abroad. Within the broad
framework of foreign clandestine activity, there has traditionally
resided with Stateapability to accomplish numerous tasks
such as kidnapping, assassination and paramilitary action. These
tasks currently are assigned to the notorious Ninth Section of the KGB.
The furtherance of Soviet policy by means of clandestine political
action in time of "peace" is pursued vigorously by KGB officers who
cultivate, develop, and exploit foreign government officials at all
levels. When such KGB efforts prove successful, the net yield to the
Soviet sideecided potential to influence foreign government policies and actions. The KGB haa also been active in influencing foreign public opinion by planting slanted information in press media.
To back up this massive apparatus, the USSR has the largest number of agents trained for espionage and secret political action that any country has ever assembled. In Moscow, Prague and Peiping and other Communist centers, they are training agents recruited from scores of other countries to go out as missionaries
of Communism into the troubled areas of the world. Much of the Middle East and Southeast Asia, and particularly Black Africa, are high on their target list. Nor do they neglect this Hemisphere.
Both the civil and military Soviet intelligence services are responsible for providing information concerning those foreign countries for which infiltration, subversion and eventual take-over are planned.
A plan for subversive action In any area is drawn up in the appropriate Central Committee section, and is implemented by type. Abroad the Soviet ambassador or his representative becomes the Central Committee's direct representative for action implementation.
It is likely that the military aspects of the Soviet program in Laos were centeredpecial task force set up within the Soviet Ministry of Defense.
Such task force functions would include procurement and'shipment of arms and supplies, air-lifts, use of third countries as intermediate supply points, and the supervision of the use and effectiveness of military aid to the Communist and pro-Communist groups In Laos, ln addition to this military support the Ministry of Defense's intelligence organization, the GRU, in all probability hasontinuing role in Laos.
The task of destruction is always easier than the labor of construction. The Communist world, in dealing with the former colonial areas and the newly emerging nations of the world, employs appealing slogans to export, and vulnerable economic conditions to exploit. The fragile parliamentary systems of new and emerging countries are fertile gound for these agitators.
We should remember that the Soviet Unionictatorship, run by the high command of the Communist Party and that the Party itself numbers only about five per cent of the adult population of the Soviet Union.
Furthermore, these eight million Party members have no real freedom even in choosing their local Party leaders much less the leaders in tbe Presidium. It is these latter who determine the policies on which the fate of the Soviet people depend, Including the secretly subsidized export of Communismorldwide basis.
There is no evidence that the leaders of the Communist world have the slightest idea of abandoning their grandiose goals, or of changing the means to achieve them.
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These.who feel we can buy peace by compromise with Khrushchev are sadly deluded. Each concession we give the Soviets merely strengthens their position and prestige and the ability of the Soviet regime toits domination of the Russian people.
Our defense lies not ln compromise but ln understanding and firmness,trong and ready deterrent military power, in the marshalling of our economic assets with those of other free countries to meet Communist methods of economic penetration, and finally In the unmasking andof their subversive techniques.
It is to this latter purpose that this book has been written. By illustrating Communist subversive techniques with examples from recent history, it is my hope to Increase the awareness of our Free World to the conspiratorial menace which International Communism directs against our lives, our freedoms, and our moot cherished Institutions.
The overall power of the Free World is still vastly superior to that under the control of Coramunism, but we of the Free World muctense of Joint purpose and an unalterable will to win. We must grasp initiatives promptly ln place of yielding them needleasly to thethen reacting belatedly and Inadequately. And wc must forego the growing tendency to brood neurotically and recoil in dread each time the Communistsew psycho-nuclear threat.
To achieve what ye must, there ls no simple, comfortable or short-term solution.
Characteristicying societyts inability to respond to ead counter hostile threats- to Its institutions and its Integrity. Few
CCWUNTST SUOTERSioj), HREAT AND THEreface
- Ccmunlit Blueprint for Conquest
- Consunlst Military Pover
- Scope of CcBSHunlat Subversionoviet Policy Machinery
- Connaunlet Econonic Bubveraion
- Subversion by Propagaixln
- World CccHuniat Partiea
nternational Conrnunltt Fronts
asters of Subversionubversion ofubversion of Cube and Congo
- Guerrilla Warfare
- Education for Subversion
- Science for Subversion
- CccEsunlst Culture
- Weaknesses and Strengths
- Ae Been by tha Chinese
cemunist Myth of Solidarity
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esponse to the Challenge
Original document.
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