Created: 1/28/1963

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STUDENTS - 0 plus Highlus



As long as there appears to be hope ofthe Diem Government, the students will keep trying; if that hope should evaporate, the majority wouldreturn to political apathy, with important minorities turning toward neutralism or communisim,ery small minority seeking the material rewards ofwith the Diem Government.

There-is sooo evidence that political parties such as the DAI Viet and VNQDD have some influence among students. There ls also evidence of at least limited communist Influence.

The five major student groups, of which all but the last are anti-GVN, are:

The Buddhist Student Association(BSA) which claimsembers. However, the GVN has arrested or neutralized much of the top leadership. Therefore, the BSA is disorganized, but its membership ls collaborating with other student groups.

The Catholic Student Association which0 members.

The Volunteer Youth Association(VYA) is small and was relatively apolitical until after

ugust. Since that time its members have become sore active in ant1-government

Inter-Faculty Liaison Committeecoordinates small studentand activities.

B) The National Union of Vietnamese Students


Pro-GVN No Opinion

Many peasants are anti-government, but notanti-Diem. They are anti-government primarily because government represents the unpleasant controls of society such as police and taxes. In general, the Peasant would prefer to be left alone to pursue his livelihood. The Peasant does not constitute apolitical entity, but his support or non-support of any GVN is important to the successful prosecution of the war.

Buddhists -

The Buddhists wereohesively disaffected unit prior However, GVN repressive actions since that time have encouraged the majority to rally 'round the flag of anti-Diemlsm. In addition, many Vietnamese who were not particularly strong Buddhists have now become supporters of the faith, primarily because of the GVN's persecution of the Buddhist leadership.

Buddhist leaders would undoubtedlyhange in government, but active and organized Buddhist supportoup remains doubtful.


For the most part the burr aerate are probably unenthuslastlc supporters of the coTernccnt and the majority vould probably be loath to bite the hand that feeds then. Discontent has increased during the past two months, but its depth and Intensity, although not knovn, is not considered great.

Organized Labor

actions during the past five years to fragment and control the CVTC have alienated the majority of senior and middle-level trade union officials who number. This bitterness toward the GVN has undoubtedly been communicated to considerable of the rank and file. The CVTC leadership appears to have fairly tight control over the rank and file. Union members would probably partlcipat or not participateoup effort doponding on the guidance of their leaders.

CVTC President Tran Quoc Buu has long tried to keep the CVTC at least an unenthusiastlc supporter of the GVN. However, there is now evidence to indicate that he ls ready to entertain opposition proposals and this readiness on his part will probably increase if and when lt becomes apparent thatDiem and Nhu can no longer control Vietnam's destiny.

Organized labor ln Saigon, which numberss generally disaffected and couldajor factoroup crisis as the CVTC controls workers in many of the crucial industries such as the Water and Electricity Company, bus and transport, railroad, and petroleum.



Over the years, various members of the Dai Viet Party have been mentioned as being engaged in coup plotting against the regime; most of these reports appear to be based more on supposition than on factual evidence, thisstemming from the fact that the Dai Viet Party is reputed to be well organized and well disciplined. "

would also be Buddhist

ana sxuaemhis provisional government. There is alsoummary platform outlining the intentions of the group. There is no evidence as to how this group would propose to install itself in power,is no reporting whatsoever on its military backing other than the generals named above.





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