UNORTHODOX IDEAS IN THE USSR
1. This survey represents the first systematic attempt to dealrowing volume of classified reports on attitudes and views expressed by younger Soviet citizens ln conversations with Western nationals As might be expected,the Soviet citizens are, with few exceptions, members of thetudents, doctors, scientists, economists, etc. They are often members of the CPSU or of the Komsomol, but seldom members of the Party apparat. The views are selected and presented under the following headings:
The Goal of Communism
Present Socialist System of the USSR
Religion
Soviet Economic System Soviet Foreign Policy Socialist Brotherhood Marxist-Lenin Doctrine Membership in the Communist Party Mombershlp in Komsomol Regime Deceit
Collective Guilt for Stalin's Crimes Attitude Towards the Regime Capitalism and tbe West Concepts of Freedom and Democracy
Office of Current Intelligence cautions
The analyst uajti
(jl I* v
the reader against drawing any ^acl^sioDf^^JZ opinion in the Soviet Union from what at best mayepresentative sample from the exceptlooal and not
c it on it7"
the average group. It is not surprising but still of Interest to note, however, that insofar as the reports studied deal with desired changes in Soviet society (toward political liberalization and economic abundance) the assumption seems to be that the changes will take place by evolution and not by revolutionary
violence.
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UNORTHODOX IDEAS IN THE USSR
The Soviet press normallytereotype picture of "the Soviet people" unanimously enthusiastic in their support of regime policies. Occasionalto "slanderers of our people who try to morally corrupt the inexperienced with spiritual slush" have not specified thon an unusual moment ofhowever, Pravda last Septemberettoreader who complained that she had suffered defeat in attempting to defend Soviet international and domestic policlos against the criticisms of her friends and neighbors:
"Whatever their ages, whatever they begin to talk about, Inevitably they all switch over to the international and Internal situation. Then and now. In America and at home. Under Stalin and today and so forth. There are many, manyhey said that we give much help to underdeveloped countries. nswer them roundly: yes, we help. And truly it is ossential to help underdeveloped countries so that the capitalist system will bo more quickly buried all over tho" globe. Also,poke of tho fact that to reduce prices each year would mean the weakening of agriculture. The kolkhozes slumped completely, but tho price of food was reduced. But now our partyeal policy. And we are proud of our military force. ell know that if we did not have our military, then America would immediately attack us. Andon-partyntirely support the party, Comrade Khrushchev, and his persistence inolicy of peace ln the world. For our people this is most essential.
rguedried to explain to someone why our country had not gotten stronger in all respects. Our country was attacked many times, how often was it Invaded and robbed, and after this we immediately want manna poured into ourut there are people who do not understand all this Not only the elder ones, but also the youth who have not seenm sure that if once a
3
Ideas into action, the discussions ln Mayakovsky Square ln the fallhe regime acted decisively to Imprison the most vocal speakers and to break up tbe meetings.
What has omerged from this surveyemarkably wide range of non-conformtst ideas expressed, for the most part, by young men and women whose parents were young at the time of the Revolutionnd who have spent their entire lives under the Soviet system of indoctrination. None are defectors. Host of them havelace for themselves ln the USSR and appear primarily concerned with retaining or Improving that place. year old doctor explained: "My homeland will always pull me homeay these things not to run down my country, butant my country to be better."
Their non-conformist ideas have Included serious doubts about the ultimate goal of communism, about the Soviet economic Bystem with Its alleged "people's" ownership of land and factories, and about theof collectivized agriculture. They have suggested that Khrushchev sabotages Western efforts to solve problems in the international field and they haveisposition to put their trust in the UN rather than ln the Soviet government. Marxism-Leninism has been described as nonsense, and as not applicable toin tbe West. Official deceit and collective guilt for the crimes of Stalin's years are recurring ihomos. And despite the years of regime-imposed double-speak, Soviet youths have used the words "freedom" and "democracy" In the sense ln which they are used ln the West in citing them as goals for the future. These youngsters, at least, have not been molded into "The New Communist Man".
-3-
The Goal of Communism
The "shining summits of communism"7 have been held up to the Soviet populace and to the vorld as the ultimate goal Justifying all demands for sacrifices in thenique promised land attainable only through faithful adherence to the teachings of its prophets, Karx and Lenin. In some private conversations with Soviet citizens, however, this goal has taken on surprising connotations.
A young Soviet .
felt thatflBuh^aB ib inevitame,
comlng with foreboding:
"Yes, progress brings optimism, great optimism for societyholo, but it also brings immeasurable miseryf theet us fact it. It is not the horror of thermo-nuclear war or its variations in the form of bacteriological and chemical wars, It is prosperity Itself, prosperity asew high level of human culture that will bring ruin to billions ofero's theill future social progress need billions of people? Wouldn't lt be more correct to suppose thatew creative minds would be needed to face and solvee areery real problem of socloty, with thousands of scientific workers, artists, actors, men of letters, social workers, and billions of farmers, manual workers, technicians, statesmen, whose labor will be obsolete ln the years to
(Here heeries of what he rogarded as major historical turninghe Communist Party's shift from underground workower position, the New Economic Policy in the USSR ofs, the Japanese and German surrenders after World War II.)
"But what follows? Massall
these switches and changes would seem only skin deep when compared with tbe Groat Change to come, with the emergence of the Society of Plenty, of Prosperity, of Newocial progress does not need billions of minds. The ideal republic
of Plato consisted of ten thousand people. It seems toillion vould be more than enough. on't considor myself to be worthy of being even the one millionthof that society. It willociety of harmoniously developed men and women, strong of character and sensitive of nature, with deep probing minds and eager healthy bodies. This society will be one of Gagarins, Tltovs, and Kennedys."
Other viewsuture of "Communism have_bee, prosaic If less gloomy. / "
"We realize quite well that our leaders are livingorld of illusion, aspiring to some kind of ideal communism. In actual fact, however, our country will bo forced to take part in the general progress of the entire world, without Imposing our ideology on anyone. Every Soviet citizen who has been ln tho West can see perfectly well that colossal achievements have been brought about ln the West. We must exchange our experience and follow each other'sact which Is now being realized by everyone, even by many members of the government.**
In the viewoung Soviot
"If it comes to war, we shall all die, both right and wrong, without ever knowing which was which. If lt comestable peace,m sure it will bo no win for anybody, orictory for overybody, for tho whole of mankind. America will have to socialize, one way or the other. If not after the Soviet pattern, then after tho British and Swedish. Russia will have to liberalize, which changos each side will ascribe to its own influence and rlghtness, but who will care, even if It's true. Soviet society will become more individualistic, American society will become more collectivism tic, with spiritually deeper and richer individuals. This is my personal belief and hope."
5-
Ijmgta
"It Is not excluded that the two opposing systemsAmerican (sic) and thefinally supplement each other" was the predictionoviet
ever be achieved ln the USSR. Rather theyfuture internal relaxation and Improvement for the peoplerocess of Westernization. They made clear their conviction that the fundamental difference between the West and the USSR is the greater amount of freedom in the West, but they felt that this difference was decreasing as conditions Improved ln the USSR.
explained his views in the lall
"We don't shift to Communism but to Americanism. The new Party Program elaborates how to catch up with. and how toAmorica, but not how to bring about We say Americanization but not Com-munizatlon of the Soviet Union. Khrushchev, and we must thank him tor helping, has long ago thrown Communism into the garbage can. iscreon. ust tell you, the majority at tbe University shares this attitude; we are tired of Communism, tired of ideologies, tired of programs. The people wish toest after all thiswar, camps and Stalinist rule. What the people now need is this: ealthy babaot of cabbageunk of bread. Everything else will come by Itself. Of course, there are still fanatics withrgueeek. They are somewhat crazy about ideology. The majority, however, stands for those principles: 'not by bread alone', and 'nobody will sing on an empty stomach.' Well, after we get apartments and are dressed like in the West, we'll also talk about ideology."
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Tho Present Social System of tho USSR
The most sweeping indictment of the present social and economic systems of the
"Forty years of Soviet rule has taught the people many good lessons. The historical oxperlence of tho development of the Soviet Union during this period of time has been such as to shakeertain degree thein the propriety of the internal policies of the Soviet government. There are many Soviets who believe that if therear at this timethat is another World War such as the last onethen the Soviets couldn't possibly win It. The reason for this is, of course, the fact that no one would want to fight and protect tho type of system under which they are living. This is very clear."
jin oiscussing
wviet economic system said; "We aro young in ouryet. When we of my age group take over we will modify and change certain aspects of ourome day we will bo moro free than we are now. When the younger generation takes over more freedom and loss regimentation will exist."
/ Wotpirit of complaint, out raxnef
pointingulf which must bo bridged, ho asserted that in his view, most Soviet students were completely divorced from the life of the working population. <It might be noted that the stereotypes of current Soviet fictionsias against higherare generally better educated than their fellows, but misuse their talents, often through idle malice.)
In an underground magazine written by Sovietand circulated ln Moscowoung would-be poet commented: oet's serving the people, asunitary and whole is impossible, because the people haveither economically or Intellectuallynitary whole."
Another article in this magazine warned, "Poets should recognize that service is possible only ln array barracks, ln political Institutions and ln churches. The poet should not Merge himself with the power of the state. So merging himself, he loses his individuality, turnsorkerroduction line, the goal of which Is outright apologetics for the state power, and consequently for all tbe vices as well which lt bears within itself."
set
The Soviet Economic System
Soviet propaganda maintains that the means of production, including the land itself, belong to "the people". The Interests of the worker in "the people's" factory are, therefore, supposed to be identical with, those of management.
at
first faithfully repeated this line. Toward the end of the year, however, he admitted to his faculty adviser that labor-management squabbles exist In the USSR, and that in the event ofisagreement, labor had little recourse except production slow-downs.
"We worked with
Aitnougn we were not in any particular
nurry xo nnish our job, one of us asked the Russians why they were working more slowly than the French. The Russian'secause you didn'tevolution."
Cynicism about "our ownership" has appeared in other conversations. "The Palace of Congresses, the cosmonauts and the space vehicles are acclaimed as belonging to the Soviet people, but the intellectuals and scientists know that thisop and full realize that these things are coming out of the people's collective hide,"
-aid
The people are toldiese. gj.uaj.uub uuuievumunis and then are expected to beto go home to their six square meters of inadequate, shabby, over-crowded rooms and their poor diet, and their drab, grubby clothes."
'SE CUE
eminar on civil law held ln the Moscow University law faculty last year, discussion centered around court cases involving transfers of land. Land,asic means of production, is state property and in Soviet civil law this is interpreted to mean that land cannot bo sold, leased or otherwise transferred by individual citizens, or by state or cooperative organiztions. ouse can be sold and an orchard can be sold, but the land under the house or orchard cannot be sold.
One ofcases discussed involvedsaleouse and orchard which was struck down bycourtsisguised sale of the land because the purchase price was higher than the value of the house and orchard. In anotherease of landollective farmtate farm was struck down.
tne soviet stuaents pressed the professor in questioning those decisions, citing analogic based on sales and leases of capital equipment between enterprises, and other analogies and arguments. The professor's answer was always the same: land is state
mistakes in the past and they should not have been repeated. But the Chinese began to copy us, making even worse mistakes. The result, famine."
"Soviet farmers won't work unless they getincentives",
2
crop prospects were Daa. "If the land wore divided and each farmer had his own land, then they would succeed."
There are distinctly capitalist overtones in several conversations about investmentof capital.
/The Soviets commentedajor problem
Tor them was finding the incentive to go on working full-speed when they already made more money than thoy could fruitfully spend. This was especially true in households where both the husband and wife worked. It was not worthwhile to pile up great savings accounts because Interest rates in the USSR were so low. Tho Soviets, talking among themselvos during the evening, evolved the suggestion that they band together andmall firm, putting their excess salarieslant and laboratories, plowing their profits back into tho labs,and taking care to
keep the undertaking sufficiently small so as notofficial attention.
"That's the trouble. You have to have special permission for that, and those people are specially selected professors and party members. ould be severely punishedook money. Theyust cure people for freo. My idea would be if the govornment would just "free'ould heal rich and poor. ould charge the rich high fees. riter like yourself, for example,dmitould make pay large sums. But theould treat for little or nothing. ould pay taxes on my earnings to the state and lt wouldrofit for us bothmore than it Is now. Of course, that is only my ownelieve there will always bo rich and poor people. Some are born with brains to make money, somo with brains to make other things, and some with no brains for anything. There must always be both rich and poor, but that, mind you, is Just my own privato idea."
The break-up of the Paris Conference0 was, of course, presented in the Soviet press as entirely the responsibility of the West and especially of the United States which had sentspy plane" for this evil purpose. I H
pad
international situ-ation:
"The Russian people want poace. They know this depends upon anbetweon the United States and the USSR. Therefore, tbe broakup of the0 Conference in Pariseavy blow. Among the Moscowthere were complaints against Eisenhower bocause he did not apologize, on the grounds tbat this made lt easier for Khrushchev to break up the It was clear that the Powers incident was only an excuse since lt was apparently known that Americanplanes had been flying over the Soviet Unionong time. Inear before the incident an acquaintance had talked about this to me."
UnKole to underStandnhe Soviot handling ofncident. Since similar matters in the past had always been handled through diplomatic channels, he could not see why Khrushchev had maderemendous issue of it. He commented that he was forced tothat Khrushchev's actions had been promptedcsiro to sabotage an Impending agreement and that, frankly, he was now complotoly confused by hisforeign policy.
he thought it
was terrible that wirusncnev nad talked only aboutt the Summit meeting in Paris when there were so many other important issues to discuss.
commt.
ui itnuw atuuisiitTs tnannrsaw
pointhrushchev-Kennedy-Macmillan meeting because Khrushchev unfortunately had no<_lntention of agreeing with Kennedy or Macmillan.
/ He
Thereint of this uame attitudeemark madei
-imm<
said that he was glad of such an oppor-tunity as be wanted to say some tiling that had been on his mindong time. "Please don't think that what our leaders sayeflection of what the people in the Soviet Union think or feel. Policy is ono thing and true feelings are quite different. Soviet people do not want war and will never agree to it.. ant you to believe methese aro the true feelings ofthe Soviet people." He then burst out with the further comment that ifniversal law could be passed which would automatically sentence all loaders, "irrespective of who they are" to death in the eventar bolng declared, thero would not be any danger of war and international relations would improve out of all recognition.
Other more generalized critical comments have also boon reported. "Americans owelt to the world to stand firm ln Ber1In,"/
one aaaea xnax Tneuun-wrpopulace of. the Cuban rebuff to.
in the Bay of Pigs was electric; therefore,. should never again allow any taint of weakness or irresolution to be attached to Its actions.
an the meetings oeingme'
IJSSK co. actions were really quite silly.e said, "could people vote on condemnatory resolutions when they did not even know what President
Kennedy had said." "The proper way to remedy thise added, "would be to have the full text of the President's speech printed alongside the Soviet government statement and then let the meetings hold their vote."
,carzying a
signooaravira xnree Typewrrrren pages'addressed to officials of the Congress. He criticized Lenin's theories for their advocacy of violence,ind of neo-Tolstoy pacifism, and urged aUNeto to stop all nuclear tests. Hotel auTfiorTtTes tried to chase him out of the lobby, but he held his ground, embraced several western observers, and there were tears all around.
Soviet doctrine holds that objectivity, in the sense in which tbe word is used in the West, verges on the subversive, indicating atack of devotion to the cause of communism. Nevertheless,
i nave snowri-remarkable oojecflv
in their views of international differences.
One had been discussingriend various national art exhibits' neifl lb MOSCOW last year. He was particularly Impressed with the Indonesian exhibit as illustrating
"the very real differences in which different nations look at the world. It is so closely connected with the deep conviction that 'our' way of life is about the most humane, natural way for all people to take, and those who invent something else are doing monkeyuite agree with your criticism of American idealism, that is, yourAmericans for being confident that their way is the best for all others to take. ight add that,reat extent, this is true of many people in the USSR. Too many are sincerely sure that the most natural and humane way to take is the way Russiansnd sometimes this narrow way of looking at other countries, present
ure, in all peoples, makes ae feel really pessimistic.In fact, sincere sticking to convictions that 'our* is absolutely right, 'theirs* is wholly wrong,too many times leads people to alternatives parallel to 'Red or Dead' with the choice for the latter."
analysis or tne world situation as part of his draft programroposed World Federation of General Disarmament. His arguments, addressed to Soviet citizens, were ln part as follows:
"First of all, we should recognize that, lo fact, with the discovery of nuclear means of destruction, the act of global war is in and of itselfhereiew according toorld war is already in fact going on. It is assumed that the world, divided into two inimical blocs, restrained from global war by the presence in both spheres of an enormous destructive potential, is carrying on local warsradual basis, now in one, now in another part of tbe world. Each of the quarreling sides thus tries to enlarge its sphere of Influence. But even if this is tho case, who can affirm thatourse of events will not lead, in the final analysis to global
"At present, the effort to accumulate tho maximum destructive potential Iswith the tendency to concentrate this in the inimically opposed spheres. Blocs arise. Blocs and the tendency towardconcentration, and consequently the tendency, as well, toward the maximum extension of their spheres of influence. The targets of the contemplated extension of the spheres of Influence are the neutral countries and countries which find themselves ln the other bloc, or within the sphere of
Influence of the other bloc. The bloc has Its nucleus, around which are grouped the elements which constitute, as it were, its shell. At present, the elements of the shell are relatively constant and the shell itself isrelatively stable. But it is important to note that some fall-out of individual elements of the shell, as
well as some accession of new elements Is constantly going on.
"In this connection, the posing of the question of the formationeutral bloc, whose military potential would be fully liquidated or reducedevel little above zero, is timely. The mission of the neutral bloc would consist ln the creation of conditions which wouldthe fall-out of elements of the shells and in maintaining them within its sphere of influence. The neutral bloc would thus in practiceedge, driving the inimical blocs more and more asunder, or moreweakening them quantitatively and
(He noted that neither bloc would be able to commit aggression on the neutral bloc since this would Instantly provoke the opposition of the other and thewould inevitably growlobal war.)
"The presence of an enormous destructive potential in the inimical spheres excludes the possibilityonflict andeliable guarantee of tranquility. It is self-understood that the element of chance is not excluded even here, but the probabilitylash Isreduced."
Among the already existing conditions which he saw as facilitating the creation of this nuetral bloc were "the striving of the Afro-Asian continent toward(which) carries with it the tendency toward
neutrality and consolidation" and "the existence of countries which, as the result of certainhad entered the blocs but which havetoward neutrality."
faithtrengthened UN without tho veto. Thequoted aboveimilar disposition toInternational organization, rather than to relyorgans. In his draft charter for hisUnion of Partisans of General Disarmament,to all peoples and all governments "toprestige of the UN and the Internationalturn the UNupra-state organact in strict accordance with the norm oflaw andave its own mostapparatus of compulsion, exceeding bythe most powerful apparatus of compulsion ofThe UN should create its own Institutions instrata of the population of all
In the provisions of his draft charter, he went to some pains to ensure that his World Union would not fall under the control of any one national section,-including the (presumably founding) Russian one, and he provided for secret ballot ln all cases. Most startling of all from the Soviet security forces' point of view, he specifiod that "the activity of the World Union can be altered, partially arrested or fully terminated onlyecision of the International Court" and that "every member of the World Union has the moral right not to subordinate himself to the laws in effect on the territory of his place of residence, if those laws contradict the ethical norms of international law."
Socialist Brotherhood
For fifteen years, the Soviet people have boen told of the unity and brotherhood of the "socialist camp". Some doubts have been expressed by individual Soviets, however, concerning their "socialist brothers".
("that the differences oeiwoeu common lam ami
1 vapi lalTUra were not nearly as great as the differences between cultures, and, as an example, cited thebetween the Russians and the Chinese.
whom he met were openly uneasy'about the edness and discipline exhibited by Chinese students studying in their universities. They cited, in tones of horror, an anecdote which has been told so often in recent years by Soviet students and professors that it has almost attained the statusolktale. According to theroup of Chinese graduate students who were studying in the USSR, were existing on mere pittances, barely sufficient to purchase food and lodging. One student managed somehow to save enough money from his allowance tomall radio. This so incensed his fellow students that they not only made him give up the radio, but threatened to throw him out of their living quarters for exhibiting such weakness.
.Teporxea witnessing tne followinghinese snoutedussian: "Why do you push me, Russianhe Chinese was quickly surroundedostile crowd. People yelled. "Away with you, go back toPunch his uglyho Chinese had already boen slapped in tho faco when militiamen put an end to the scone.
'reportedseveral occasions soviet
irienos said to her in so many words: "Some day. and the USSR must join together against the Chinese.
The most telling personal insult in Soviet society todayharge of being uncultured. iolent argumentaxi queue near the Kremlin, witnessed by
one Soviet accusedaccused, in rejoinder, asked him whether he thought he was Chinese.
Soviet students were loud in their ridicule ofpaid by Khrushchev to the seven-year-oldFidel
Tney were parti-
cuxariy-atiriaive ol an announcement in the Soviet press that Khrushchev gave the boy, who attends school in Moscow, an "interview" lasting onealf hours.
7
Marxist-Leninist Doctrine
o on xaiKing as- tne oiziciai xnterpreter of Soviet philosophers? o so,hall be ln aof inferiority with regard to youhall be obliged to talk nonsense. Wouldn't youpoke my own mind?"
isathematicalm cramped in it. It does not Inspire me."
what naa struck hint most about thewasit was the complete disappearance ofwith whichbecome so familiar
ins and5. that "we are no
longer dogmatic." He added- mat in the present Soviet state, Marxist values are no longer as true as they were andeconsideration is sometimes necessary.
Peter Kapitsa,oted physicist, voiced this same theme in an article in the Soviet newspaper, Economic Gazetten which he charged that attempts to apply Marxist-Leninist dialectics as the unique clue to scientific correctness have hampered the progress of Soviet science.
Jthat be now realized tftatrwarxist ciass
structure as he learned it was not applicable. society and that Americans could not be categorized as Marx tried to do. He also commented that the basic attitudes of workers were the same in. as in tho USSR, particularly with regard to on-the-job problems, relations with superiors, etc. It might be noted that this particular student's background was impeccable ln terms of orthodox Communist training"
Membership In the Communist party
Membership in the Communist Party has always been held up by the regimereat honor, as wellesponsibility, awarded to the "best" people.
'replied in response to the questionisitor
tnat he wasember of the Party. He explained that he would not dream of payingf his salary to the Party; it was quite enough to payo the Soviet trade union.
A mid-career official of the Soviet bureaucracy,arty member of long standing was more explicit
"All these Party meetings have been reduced to more form. Take any regional Partyhe only reason hearty meeting is so that it can be on the bookseeting has been held. attends these Party meetings just to get it over with. No one is reallyin these things any more. Take the Party members. Why do they belong to the Party? It Is not because they believe in the system or in the ideology of the Party. Ho, not at all. an state with assurancef the so-called Communists in the Soviet Union are not Communist at all. They are people who Joined the Party in order toreater opportunity toood position which would be impossible for them to gain without being in the Party. That's what it means toommunist. Just as previously tho Party members were truly dedicated to thatully dedicated -so, now, just the opposite is true."
ixno direclor or The^nsTTTure CTTPOTno
"Komsomol as an example of how not to arouse young people's Interest and enthusiasm:
"Look at the Komsomol which has completely lost its hold on the students. In their first year of undergraduate work the Komsomol still operates, but in the second year it is quite impossible to get an organization going and from then on the Komsomol is completely extinct."
Tho Soviet press has frequently published letters from disillusioned Komsomol members, usually using thempringboard for exhortations to greater enthusiasm. Tbe following are fairly representative: 0 Pravda angrilyetter vhlch it publishedomsomol member who refused to believe the published storyodel Komsomol brigade in Baku which allegedly had donated its services to repair apartments free: "To use one's free time for working and thon to say: 'Thank you, we need no money, wo are Komsomolho would believeairya clumsy lie."'
omsomolskaya Pravda told the cautionary taleomsomol member, Yuri Belousev, who resigned from the organization becauseo not wish to bear any burden norish to pay membership dues." The director of the factory where be had formerly worked withdrew the factory's approval of his continuing In school and refused to promote him. Belousev complained to the newspaper, and Komsomolskaya Pravdaorrespondent to investigate. Belousev told hor: "If everyone worked and llvod honorably, then it'different matter. But how many bureaucrats, careerists and cheats wehat are meetings and Sunday labor donations toavo enough work at home."
2 the Bolorusslan Komsomol newspaper reported the case of Grigoryomsomol member and student who was "Infected with alion influences and worshipped the West." Zuyev was oxpellod from tho Komsomol, but then various party organizations began trying to reform
him by means of "persuasion." Eventually, Zuyev raado the following open statement:
m speaking here on behalfroup of youth who have beenon't understand why people botheridn't steal anything from anybody. People try to read my soul. They say I'matriot. ovo our woods, our fields, our native land where,hall die. ell youove all mankind, tho English and American peoples, world civilization, foreignm interested ln everything good that exists ln the West. What difference does lt make that there is capitalism there. As for the Komsomol, ltocal concept, lt does not suit me. What did lt give me?"
2 Komsomolskaya Pravda described withecret society organized by the students at the Moscow Library Institute, including "some" Komsomol members. The "World Association of Young Troglodytes" was organized with the avowed aim of "the gradual peaceful transformation of man Into monkey." Every member had the "right to place bis personal interests above those of society," All members were to "struggle for the liberation of man from technical progress." Two members of the society explained that boredom was the reason for its formation: "Komsomol members have no vital matters which would keep their minds and souls occupied."
uestion-and-answer session
Soviet proiessoTS" met
wrai ineir soviet students to answer questions onParty history, and domestic and international affairs. The session differed from most such meetings ln that there were no set speeches by the professors and questions were asked orally from the floor instead of being passed up to the rostrum in written form.
Some of the most outspoken students were neither stllyagl nor "intellectual" types, but active Komsomol members. The professors were pressed hard by the students to explain how the Soviet withdrawal of rockets from Cuba could bevictory" as claimed by the Sovlot
press. Several students expressed the opinion openly that the outcome of the Cuban crisislear defeat for Soviet foreign policy.
Even more remarkable was the line ofwhen the subject of Stalin's role camequestioner asked how Stalin's dictatorshipconsidered basically different from Hitler's. who answered tho question (who wasreplying convincingly because his own rise lnworld occurred during the purges of thewho still speaksemi-literate manner)the class structure of the two countries madedifference.
students were obviously not convince*!.
Regime Deceit
The difference between Soviet claims andmust often be most apparent to the Soviet
you gomati village
naxi an nour rrom town, you'll see how they really live on collective farms. There aro no 'show farms' there. You knowarms for showing to foreign delegations. They still wear bast shoes in thoset is frightful."
idn't see
anybody folIowXng-us*: even went on 'an automobile ride with himaw no agent, unless the driver was anon't think possible bocause the driver was our host and also heaculty member of your university."
/insistea that Khrushchev wasery poor
spcaKSTT -oh well,
man,o which the driver rejoined: "We shall know about that when he's dead."
Reslstence to indoctrination and interest lnfruit" on the part of Individual Soviet citizens has been reported many times. **
orth-
co-nug lecture was announced on the subject of "Non-lenearew Look at Problems of Time and Space" by N. A. Kozyrev. The Soviet students knew that Kozyrev had been imprisioned under Stalin for the formulation of theories which wore not in line with the demands of dialectical materialism. Immediately following the announcement of the lecture, practically all tho books in the school library on time and space and the theory of relativity were suddenly in great demand. One of tho instructors commented bitterly that "all those years we have been trying to get youth interested in ourut without success." The day before the lecture, Kozyrev was criticized in Pravda for lecturing to audiences who could not properly evaluate his views in the light of
ideology. esult, two hours before the lecture was to bogin, the hall was filled to Its, and0 more students jammed the hallways, staircases and neighboring classrooms, packing them so tightly that it was impossible to move through the area. The director of the institute, perturbed by what heolitical demonstration, appealed to tho students to clear the halls in the interests of safety, but was ignored, Two hours later, after three such appeals, he threatened to cancel the lecture. When the students still remained ln place, he announced the meeting closed, with the promise that the lecture would be rescheduledater dato, butimited number of admission tickets. The studentsrick, remained ln place for yet another hour before they finally left.
erformance by the Moscow "Estrade" (light entortalnment) company at Moscow University last February, the master of ceremonies so antagonized the audience by recounting between acts edifylog anecdotos about the "new Soviet man" that he was Jeered into silence. The final breakdown in his control over the audience occurred when he refused toecond encoreomedienne who had just performed satirical sketches in which she parodiedoviet spacemanorker who had overfulfilled his norms. The master of ceremonies finally retaliated by closing down the performance.
Komsomolskaya Pravda last Januaryettortudent iii Kharkhov In which the writer complained: "Our students are sufficiently mature for discussions and debates, and the time has come to stop leading them by tbe hand." He felt that "the whole purpose of higher education is to teach the student to have his own point of view" and urged that the best means of developing this capacity for independent thinking is through.nd not when "truths are handod downeady made and already decided form."
"We historians know perfectly well that Trotskyositive role at certain moments of his career, but on the whole, his role was thoroughly negative So that is tho thing that has to bend in the long run, there
will not be any discrepancies between 'factual' history and 'objective'ur young generation knows exactly what iss regards Soviet history they know better and better every year what the facts are, but thoy also know why certain facts should be played down and others played up."
The historian nay have spoken more truly than he
knew, that S
biiuuwiiiB umi msuusscu wiitlonship between Stalin andubject which has not yot been touched on in the "revelations" concerning Stalin's years. In the students' version, Kirov4 received more votes for the party secretariat than did Stalin, which should have made him Stalin's superior. Despite this, he had to bow out ln Stalin's favor, accept ing the second most important post (secretary of the Leningrad district). Following this election, Stalin had him murdered to get ridangerously popular rival.
In an article in an underground magazine written by Soviet students and circulated in Moscowoung literary critic commented: "Every claim to be serving the people isonscious or an unconscious lie. This criterion of the correctness of the pathoet, of his ideological purity, can profitably be used by every rogue who serves the power of the state, which so skillfully identifies itself with the people. How many talented people have been deceived and destroyed."
uperbly impudent "explanation" addressed to the KGB, one of the students involved in the Maya-kovsky Square discussions in the fall1 described the after-effects of Stalin's "excessess":
"People were coerced too much -the reflex action was resistance. People were deceived toond they became accustomed not to believe anything. The most noble ideas lost all their attraction, because the ideas came from the lying lipsonstellation of scoundrels andImall brochure in which Lev Sheyninoviet journalist) writes about how humanely the workers of the KGB treated the studentsertain organization, about bow,to him, the students confessed and broke down crying, and so forth and so on. errible savage! The impression Is created that the author was purposely trying to make sure that no one would believe him. In the reading ofase concoction even the truth soundsie. On me personally that most stupid brochure produced aopposite effect."
Another member of this group commented on the poet Yevgeny Yevtusheuko's lines on the joy of marching on the road straight to the commune. "We smile, not because we don't believe in the possibility ofthe banners and going straight to the Commune. We stand precisely for that straight road to the Commune and not for the one that is marked out with lies and meanness which they are trying to palm off onou are inclined to proclaim mould and decay as signs of growth. Sated swinishness is, toactical move."
Two poems from underground magazines circulated in Moscow01 echo this theme of reeirae deceit.
Cocktail
Everything round aboutelancholy cocktail: One part truth, one part lies, One part dreams and wishes...
Moscowy A. Onezhskaya
Golden stains of pain In the pitcb-black darkness, Golden thoughts in slavery, Golden people in prison.
Treasures everywhere: the gold of bread,
The golden tassels of banners,
And in the golden manure of the cow-shed,
A golden deposit of names
Glorifying this city,
This land, and this world.
Among them, proudly glistening In golden praise, an idol, The newest and brightest, Gladdening his people, Sprinkles golden gifts
Into the mouths of the grateful simpletons. Golden teeth on skulls. Golden promises in newspapers -Everything is splendid in ay fatherland Built on bones.
The regime's handling of revelations of Stalin's crimes has emphasized that the books are closed on those guilty of being his accomplices and that what remains now is to rehabilitate the victims and to look to the future. This effort to absolve theof tho period of any taint of guilt has not been entirely successful. An article ln anmagazine circulated ln Moscowhe revelations concerning Stalin'sNext,) It appears, everything is very simple. It turns out that the friend of progressive mankind (Stalin) ruled the country as though it were his own patrimony. The rooting out of mistakes begins. Those mistakes cost thee dear, Russia. They devoured millions of the bestomeone wanted Russia, entering the struggle against the cult of personality, not to think too much about tho reasons which had given the cult birth."
/one BTuaonr speaKeras aibo
ture generations) willendering of accounts concerning the past. They will demand to know what we did to struggle against the results of the cult of personality which poison the atmosphere." Another added: "The best thing that the older generation did was to give us birth. For that we owe them ourbut lt is too bad that among that generation those who ought to have survived in tho first place did not survive."
otly dobated writers* meeting lastliberal" work was under attack as being unfair to "conservative writers. One of the editors responsible for the work finally delivered apassionate defense of the work. He turned to tho
attacking conservatives and shouted: "And where were you when Zoshchenko was being hounded to death? Did you protest when they were starving Anna Akhmatova? We don't want your dachas and your automobiles. All we want from you Is decent behavior." (Mikhail Zoshchenko and Anna Akhmatova were the primary targets of the savage campaign for ideological "purity" ln literature in thes)
Attitude Toward the Regime
One of the poems circulated in an underground magazine in Moscow inescribed the regime thus:
People Need any I. Peresvetov People need an idol.
They hang on to him tightly,eath-grip.
The voluntary lcon-daubers paint his portraits.
The voluntary preachers ecstatically proclaim his
Praise. The worshippers study his blameless
Life and the fanatical zealots of this blamelessness
Scour about in search of herotlcal apocrypha.
But Idols decay.
And whon people finally understand that their idol was Not, goodnesso great, and that they, his Creators, risk being damned together with tholr idol, They become brazen and their consciences no longer Clean, continue their dirty business with Ten times the effort, for after all (as Victor HugoHow nice tolea on the bodyion!"
/as ior me,
i likeeceptacle of irritation from both sides. The Russian officials growl at me asere John Foster Dulles, while you say such things and make generalizations in my presence asummy, orepresentative of tho verywe both hate."
at course
xno sxaiin perxoa. .
yet the people felt his strength, greatness, ideas. But what kind of ideas does Khrushchev havo? a retreat on the entire Communist front. It's correct, lifo under Stalin was rough, as old men say, but now life is empty. Everything is falling to pieces."
The extreme of this sense of alienation from the regime is seen in two of1 underground poems:
To Myy N. Nor
No, it Is not up to us to fire the pistols
Into the Bidst of the green columns!
For that we are too much the poets,
And our opponent is too strong.
No, the Vendee will not be reborn ln us
In that coming, decisive hour!
After all, we are more concerned with Ideas,
And the cudgel Is not for us.
No, lt is not up to us to raise the pistols!
But the age created poots
For the most important aoments
And they created soldiers.
The second, untitled, was published under the motto:
let Yourself be carried away, somersaulting In blinding music.
Remember everything in the world...
You, nineteen years old, Gurgling tomato juice, I'll teach you to learn sonnets To the snick of flying bullets.
Thick-skinned ones, how many of you
Covered the whole square: "Brand-new!"
Suppose itquarelace of execution?
You'd close your little eyes from the drops of blood!
Believe me, I'm no beacon,
I only want you to be genuinely unlucky and happy!
There are so many fights ahead,
So many Senate Squares and showers of bullets!
Russia is struggling ln her strait-Jacket! But she'll never be curbed!
Arise! Now!
During this blue night.
WE'RE FED UP! WE'VE HAD ENOUGH! CUT IT OUT!
Capitalism and the West
had convinced mm tnat the "IMS' ol Marxist class structure are not applicable to the United States has already been noted.
i is i ta
saw: "According to Marxism,
blso found hi
marxism snaxen ny wnax ne
capitalism and unemployment are Inseparable. ould not find any beggars or impoverished people ln the streets ofaw the Laboras very much Impressed by the absence of those long lines of unemployed which are often described by Soviet propaganda." He added that his former belief ln the inevitability of proletarian revolution ln capitalist countries had been destroyed.
nts^
The conclusions concerning the American economic system,"
/ are somewnat startling: ax xnc DCginning
visit, he was convinced. Income tax laws were for propaganda purposes only, since if they were enforced they would "eliminate incentive." He reasoned that since the American scientists whom he met obviously had incentive, no one obeyed the laws. He was finally convinced that even though income taxes are progressive, one still takes home more money if he makes more, and that there are, moreover, other incentives to consider. He then commented that. system was far too socialized and would not work in the USSR where,.to him, you do not accept more responsibility unless you are paid more.
reported that one young philonupiioi- wnom nr. metrip to the USSR in7 made tho following statement about the allegedof workers inthe West: "Pauperization ln its ordinary sense is not to be taken seriously. In the end, wages in all countries are in proportion to the community's resources. Everyone knows that,hall not try to defend the contrary theory, the official (Communist) theory, which one cannot take
Soviet "theorists" for years have labored to change the meaning of those words to conform to Soviet conditions. ypical formulation is the one used recently by the Soviet newspaper, Literary Gazette, to describe the regime's demand for intellectual con-formlty: "Laws which protect people from those who endanger the freedom of normal llfo are the expression of the loftiest democracy." Despite the years of double-speak, however, Individual Soviets havo on occasion used the words "freedom" and "domocracy" in the same sense in which they are used in tbe West. The youngsters against whom Literary Gazette was Inveighing were described as demanding "freedom of the soul, freedom to disagree, freedom to be sad."
"Now everything is on the right track. The present developmont must inevitably lead to real freedom, to your Western freedom and not to our faked Soviet freedom. Several years ago tbe spiritual oppression was still very heavy. But at that time, the material conditions were very bad too, and for this reason the spiritual oppression was not felt so much. We had othero do our job and get the most necessary things/ Now the situation as far as the necessities of life are concerned has improved and there is time available to think about different questions. That's why the spiritual oppression, although it has become less violent, is much more strongly felt.
"In less than ten years, Communism will disappear. Communism has done its part and now away with It. We haveCommunism. It is boring to be
considered juveniles, it is boring to be under the Party's guardianship. The Party must understand that we neednot for revolutions butuman way of life. However, the Party will never understand that. Therefore, we will liquidate the Party."
When asked how the Party would be liquidated, he gaveeneralized answer. Ironically, however, he turned the weapon of the Party on itself, using the phrasing of the dialectic: "The Party will be liquidated by time itself, by the circumstances and by the dialectic development of history, in accordance with tho teachings of Marx."
clearly
t
would just 'freeould heal rich and poor. He went on to add: "Now my idea is that everyone should be allowed to say exactly what he wants to, and if it's good people will approve it because people are good._"
The would-be poet, writing1 underground magazine in Moscow, might equally well have been writing in the West: "The spiritual individuality of the poet is incompatible with lies. herefore fight for conditions which will facilitate the development of the Individual. No matter what sort of opinions tbe individual may express, we cannot fail to callital truth.
'reported that whilee .soviet, wiuusuib present seemed to agree with their government's position, they shouted down
to the given
?ff?.rtiB Dv tne authorities to curtail the time allotted
)ind insisted that they be
aequaie time to present their case.
decj
furry naa railed to
justify the faith of the people, it should disband and free elections should be held in the USSR. These students "disappeared" from the University.
owever,
similar aemanas were maae
concerning tho Komsomol organization. eneral meeting of the university Komsomol organization, the secretary of the Komsomol opened the proceedingsong speech concerning Komsomol goals for the coming year. In the debate which followed, many studentshat the structure of the Komsomol organization be changed to make it more responsive to the wishes of the majority of its membershat the plan drawn up and sent down from above without consulting the students, be abandoned in favorlan to be drawn up by those present at the^meetlng. After an hour-long discussion, the group voted to reject the secretary's proposal. The session was then adjourned by the secretary with no subsequent meeting scheduled. Six more students "disappeared" from tho university.
Despite this incident,
to
vjouiiiuiiiht party to authorize
a discussion club for Moscow youth, to be completely unaffiliated with any existing organization including the Communist Party:
"We say, givelub. We shall occupy ourselves with literature, art, science and politics ln lt. The country has felt the refreshing wind of democracy and this democracy shouldholly new literary and political language. This democracy should put forward wholly new scientific, esthetic and technical values. This democracy should completely restore legality and assure the constitutional liberties of the citizens. Only thus can It Inspire the people with confidence, only thus can itonscious movement of the masses."
The most explicit statement on democracy came from
ine aeficribed the boViel political situation
cnus:
"You must realize that the chairmanillage Soviet, for example, represents nothing as an individual. Everything is decided by the Communist Party. Itictatorship, pure and simple, and from the bottom to the top, without the slightest attempt toward democracy."
Original document.
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