SPECIAL REPORT
YUGOSLAV INTELLECTUALS CHALLENGE THE REGIME
WPPOVIDFOPHIIUSE [nili ymi/
CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY
OFFICE OF CURRENT INTELLIGENCE El IHcMlYn
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YUGOSLAV INTELLECTUALS CHALI.EKGE THE REGIME
An important segment of Yugoslavia's intelligentsia is apparently determined to establish its right tothe most sacred tenets of the Tito regime'ssystem. The regime, although it now advocates public debate of many of its policies, is attempting to keep the intellectuals within what it considers acceptable limits of criticism. The dissidentshow no signs of flagging, however, and the regime is hampered in its efforts to deal with them by the very system which the intellectuals wish to see further liberalized. Tito has renounced, for example, the more odious features of the police state as part of his effort toore open society ln which the Yugoslav public increasingly participates in the affairs of its government. Rather than reverse its program, the regime is likely to give in gradually to the Intellectuals' demandsat least for as long as Tito remains in command.
The regime has publicly branded the current activities of Yugoslavia'a restive intellectualsesurgence ofhis term derives from Belgrade's most celebrated modern-day heretic, MlIovan Djilas, who firstInequities ln the Yugoslav system, next questioned its basic tenets, and finally defectedfrom Yugoslavto social democracy. When he began this process, he wasonly to Tito in the party; he now is Yugoslavia's star
Djilas had no direct impact on Yugoslav political life at the time of his disgrace His political demise was not mourned by the party or public, among whom he enjoyed littleor following.
In fact, however, many of the radical changes Djilasin the early days of his opposition are today orthodox policies of the Tito regime. Perhaps in part because of his unproclaimed but privatelysuccess, there are in Yugoslaviaumber ofwho are traveling the same road of Intellectual defection from Communism that Djllas pioneered.
This time, however, theis finding it much moreto cope with the movement. Critics of the regime appear to enjoy an Important measure of public support. Many of them are not party members and therefore arc not subject to the party discipline which could be annonjuridlcal weapon. They are also operatingolitical environment considerably different from that in which Djilas found himself.
The regime, in its newhas committed itself.
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for example, to economic andmechanisms which permit broad popular participation ln and criticism ot policymaking. It is thushort andstep in the minds of the lnte1lucluala to pass frompending policies tobasic tenets of the.
An part of its effort toonducive climate even for acceptable criticism, the regime has generally refrained from such practices as direct censorship and night arrests. Rather than alter its ownin order to cope with the dissident intellectuals, lt has first tried persuasion and then, in what it has regarded aa acute challenges, turned to themechanism. Io such casea the intellectuals, however, have been able to use tbclr trials to gain publicity and to exposeaspects of the Yugoslavto ridicule.
The Beginning of the Conflict^
The first incident in the reglae's new encounter with "Djllaslsm" occurredhen Tito attempted to impose his own personal tastes on artiata and particularly Journalists. about the quantity and easy unlablllty of nonpol1tlcal, sensationalist publications, he scathingly denounced thecultural scene inand charged thst thewere being flooded with "trashy literature" andart." Although very little action followed this blast, the
intelligentsia took strongto its broaderand Tito felt compelled to reassure them that there would be no campaign to obtain uniformity ln cultural affslra.
a year later, however, tbe government did ban a film. Orad,ovel, Canga, the former for depreciating Yugoslavia's revolution and the latter for disparaging the party's youth, rii' actionseneral uproar among intellectual groups, One writer even bitterlythe right of tbe courts to paas judgment on literary efforts. The regime showed its concern over the heat of the controversy by trotting out two politburo members to rebut the intellectuals.
the Intellectuals took direct aim at the regime Itself. The Slovenian literary magazine, Perspektlve, became the first publlcatloo to criticize the regime openly on suchIssuee as agriculturalthe one-party system, the effectiveness of self-management of enterprises, the conformity of the press, the affluence of the party hierarchy, and other "failures" of the Yugoslav aystem.
The Leadership again brought out its top officials ln an effort to persuade Perspektlve to alter its editorial policies. The Journal's editorial board would not relent, however, and amid much disagreement among regime leaders on how to handle the nfl'Hlr, the magazine wan aup-pressod in Hay of last year.
Jill-ft
sup;" ailed to quiet the controversy. Uany of the contributors to the magazine continued to fling vindictive charges at Belgrade. There vas considerable public support for resuming publication of thenot only in Slovenia, but from surrounding republics ait well, When two contributing writers were finally arrested forto defy courttrong protest agslnst tbe state's action was signed by tuny ofmost prominent The Perspoktlve final errort consisted of embodying their criticismslay. Hotbed, which the banned after one
The Xlhajlov Affair
The most widely publicized Incident In this mountingcame early this year when the regime called to task Uihajloyear-old assistant lecturer of Zagrebtaff in Zadar. Tnummer trip to Moscow, Mihajlov incurred the wrath of both thu Yugoslav and the Sovietby stating in published articles that the firstcamps to practicewere aot Hitler's but His cynical allusions to Lenin and charges thatof many of Stalin's victims had not been carried out occaa-sioned unofficial Soviet protests in Belgrade.
Probably the feature moat objectionable to Moscow and Del-grade, however, was Kihajlov'a forecast ew wave of popu-
lar revolution in the USSR, led by certain members of thoelite. The implication was clear that the present leadership would bo.
Mlhajlov's articles would hardly havetir In Yugoslavia had they been written prior to tho present Moacow-Betgrade rapprochement. Tito and othor Yugoslav leaders dealt Just aa harshly with Stalinism after Yugoslavia's expulsion from the bloc owever, Belgrade was obliged to take action againstif only to live upacit
Uoscow-Bolgrade agreement tofrom direct publicot one another.
Kore Important, Ulhajlov's articles were by implication an attack on all variants ofIncluded. He wrote, for example, that there has been no move in Yugoslavia to rehabilitate Milan Gorklc, Tito's predecessor as party chief who wan purged by Staline also noted that there nan been no restitution for the many political killings and jalllnga lhat took place in Yugoslavia la the oame of the revolutionand immediately following World lar II.
Tito recognized theseand personallyhia prestige in the Hihaj-Lov affair. onferenuo of Yugoslavia's atate prosecutors. Tito gave his own views on the affair, directly associating the young author with theof "new forma ofnd suggesting that he should be arrested and tried for slaoder. This led directly to Mihajlov's arrest.
The Regime'e.tea*
Tito probably blundered in making an issue of the Mihajlov aflalr. Throughout the two-day trial. Mihajlov remained uncowed and adamant, proclaiming in the tradition of Djilas that he would continue to write as before, even in prison. Hisne had written onlyhim much open support during the trial, to the surprise andof stale official*. Tho stato paid grudging respect both to the defense and tbe public
support by not contesting the truth of Hlhajlov's arguments, ruling rather that he was guilty because the articles wereof the Soviet Union.
The rogimo was alsoby the coverage of the case in the Western press, which was unanimously condemnatory. Especially sharp criticism was leveled by foreign members of the international PENworld organization of writers, which Is scheduled to meet in Yugoslavia in July. Somo Italian members have threatened to boycott tho mooting Id protest of tbe arrest of Mlbajlov. ocal chapter in Zagreb even had tooto beforeto abldo by the decision of the state to bring Mlbajlov to trial.
The Yugoslav leadershipto counter theby holding the trial in public and by asMOsslng a light, nlne-aontb prison ten. As ho had promised, tho unrepentant Mlbajlov promptly appealed and now is freeigher court's ruling.
Praxis
Official action against Perspektivo and Ulhajlov has failed to actrake on tbe restive intellectuals. ew journal. Praxis, which appeared soon after per.spckt lve 's demise, has yet again aroused tbe ire of tho leadership. Publishedroup of Zagreb Praxis professes itsfor Marxism but has set Itself the task of 'humanizing" the creed.
Socialism has erred, its contributors say. by emphasizing societyhole at the expense Of the individual. Theirfor the future Is the establishment of an Intellectual elite, whose role it would be to criticize existing ideas and create new onesrank and open dialogue" with The contributors emphasize that they want only to restore the Individual's civil rights that have been lost in theof marxism.
Differences among Yugoslav officials on how to deal with the journal apparently cropped up at the party's eighth congress last December. Although party secretary Veljko Vlahovic pleadedmuch greater clash of ideas in theice Rankovic spoke of settling accounts with "self-styledof freedom."
As the journal's criticism has become sharper, however, the regime has stiffened its stand. Tito's criticism of Mihajlov in February, for example, wasto be aimed equally at Praxis. ising star ln the Croatian parly, Mlka Trlpalo,stated that the opinions expressed in the journal areopposed" to the party line. Kommuntst, the party's weekly, nats called contributors to Praxis "unscientific, un-marx-Ist, polemical, and unacceptable."
its "humanistnd the Journal remains a leadingfor eventual suppression. The May-June issue has appearedtrong counterattack against two of the country's leading newspapers, Borba and Vjifsnik. Praxis accusedo the editor which were critical ofpointing out thatcould not be found in any officla1 directory of addresses. raxis writer accused Vjesnlk ofIng an atmosphere of distrust and intolerance around the
Conclusions
from lying low, the Praxis group has continued to push
The conflict has placed th* regimeelicate position, with the Intellectuals showing
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no signs of weakening. They have benefited from the regime's reluctance to uae suppression except as a laat resort and have exploited the leadership'sover ways to quell the rising tide of criticism. The Yugoslav leaders realize that any attempt to puah controls would place them In the awkward position of having to renege on their own internal policies.
In the long run, theand vigorof the Intellectualto the regime, aided by the tendencies toward change in
Yugoslavia, will make theof control increasingly
As long aa Tito remains in command, the regime most likely will graduallyreerfor intellectual debate, attempting at tbe same time to keep criticism within bounds so as not to endanger the stability or the socialist system. As the intellectuals gain popularity, the regime probably will beto adopt some of theirideas, which will further stimulate the process of change.
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Original document.
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