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Buddhistietsax:
A Special Assessacst of the Situation la the Light of Brents la March and6
Tha origins of the Buddhist Initiatives of March aad6 In South Vletnaa can be found la three Important and later-related energy-releasing forcesi he Buddhists' sense of history snd particularly their yearningebirth of Buddhism's "Golden Age"; he Buddhist refera movement vtaich bad its beginnings las,he socialwhich vas triggered by the revolt against Dlea The ideological content of these three forces Is, in our opinion, guiding sod will continue to guide the development of Buddhist action in the political realm la theand years to cose. This paper, therefore,rief analysis of the three forces aad speculates on possible political trends resulting froa their interplay among themselves and with other forces in the Yletasa situation.
Beblrth of the "Golden
Theiliteat Vietnamese Buddhism of today Is not sinply the product of the struggle against Diem. To look upon it as such is to run the risk of seriously underestimating the vitality of Buddhism and the sense of purpose of its leaders.
The so-called "Golden Age" of Vietnamese Buddhism which ended five centuries ago offers sone Insight into current Buddhist thinking. Monk leaders today frequently apeak of restoring Buddhism to its "rightful place Inhe atandard of measure most often used is the Golden Age.
The soak intellectual snd writer Thich float Hash has described these earlier periods as follows in his bestseller Ene.aeed Buddhism
Everybody knows that under the ly and Tren Dynasties, Buddhismatlon-bulldlag role la the realm of literature, morals, arts, education, diplomacy and society. Buddhism during those periods brought progress to Vietnaaese society, which demonstrated Buddhist strengths sad capacities. Accordiag to history, under the Ly Dynasty the most learned persons were Buddhists snd monks. The study of Buddhism in those daysomprehensive and constructive one. It did not bring any social position to anybody. Venerable monks were usually invited to the King's Court to deliver tern-ess, to discuss cultural, economic, social and even political matters. Monks were invited to receive foreign ambassadors. In spite of that fact, they lived frugally in their pagodas, wore their simple brown robes, aad went to the Klng'a Court only at the King's The intellectuals at that time captured the easence of
Buddhism (works of art of tha tine proved that fact). They had
a rich, unfettered, eurpaasing apiritusl life and used their knowledge
to help society, from architecture to social works.
Ia bis ahort hiitory of Vietnamese Buddhism, Thich Thien An of Vao llanh University recounts numerous examples of Buddhist influence on the Court and the nation. During the Dinh, Vietnam was pacified and united by King Dinh fiouddhist vho aupportad and propagated the faith. Thla movement to diffuse Buddhist teachings vas led by the learned sank Xgo Chan Luu, vao vas revarded by the King vith the title Khuona Viet Thuyea Su. "The Priest Who Helped Restore the Bation." King Ly Thai To, vho founded the Ly, is regarded as typifying the virtuoua ruler. Ra was guided in all of hia activities by perhaps the most famous monk in Vietnamese history. Van Bach. During the Tran, several kings vera either xooka before they esaused power or retired to monasteries st the end of their rule. The most revered, Tran Shan, Is reputed to have moved back and forth between the monkhood and the throne, depending on whether the country needed hia services to bring it peace. There do cot appear to be instances of kings actually ruling as monks, however.
While no monk today has yet admitted to peraonal political ambition, the historical tradition of mock-kings who aasuae leadership wnen the country is in danger and who then return to the temple in times of peace is appealing to aone Buddhists. year old monk commented in
Although Vietnamese monks have been political leaders in the past, now it would probably be necessary for monks to take off their robes. In the first place. Catholics would oppose monks' holding political office. Also, the recent history of Catholics in Latin Aserlce and Maker!os in Cyprus demonstrates thethat arise in the contemporary world when an individual holds both lay and clerical power. If monks in Vietnam defrock to enter politics, it would probably beemporary basis until certain goals were achieved. They would eventually return to their orders.
The historical precedenthich Tri Qusng, for Instance, to return to lay Ufa to "save tha Bation" ia very much alive.
Buddhist Be Trim Movement
Following the Tran Dynasty, Buddhismeriod of decline under increased Chinese intellectual influence and the consequent espousal of Cosfucitn ism and Taolam by tbe rulers; end later under the Impact of Catholicism imported and encouraged by the French. By the Twentieth Century, Buddhism seemed sterile and moribund in comparison with the Golden Age end also with the influence of Roman Cetbollclsa.
The Independence movement against Franca sees* to have boen an importan factor in the revival of Buddhism is the sense that feelings of nationalism were generated which increased tbe-Buddhists' pride la their heritage and also their shame that their religion had become corrupt. Influences also case down Iron
aina where Buddhism had alreadyeriod of reform aadunder the aegis of the great Abbot
Little ia yet known of thia period, but it appears that aof scholars and learned monk, began actively to promote aina. The widely respected "forth Vietnamese monk.Lien encouraged the reform idea and teems in many respects to haveBuddhiaTltudieaIL
Cochin China was "fblisked in Saigon, and similar groups were founded at
We. There areand discussion of religious
SJEOP'of int.ll.ctfala
away from the independence movement. Hanoi's Quan Su Pagoda in particular
" scholars and intellectuals to discuss the histo-r
and philosophy of Buddhism. Professional M| professor. sad university ^
students began to visit the pagodas which bad for centuries been mainly the
preserve of old"**
The goals of the reform movement were to restore Buddhist nreceota to reorgenise the Buddhist Church- and toeneration of learneeThese vere to be achieved through the Buddhist Associations. While thergsg^jhe AMC^ttinasrom region to region, they generally aiL" at tightening up discipline and Improving conditions In the monasteries repairing and reconstructing old pagodas, expanding educational facilities for monks. and increasing tocial service activities. An important decisionur.ngeriod was to propagate Buddhism in the Vietnamese langu.ee rather than through the medium of Chinese characters which only monksew scholars were able to read. Various periodicals and books on Buddhism begea to appear ia the language of the
The Second World War and the disorders Immediately following it slowed down the reform movement, but by thet the Associations were
WlS^St li0- ti0nsl buddql't
aad the three regions. Associations were unifiedational Association. As
had been th. practice in the regional groups, the aatioeai Association wasInto lay and clerical sections. The clerical section was apparently
derioc-wlde hierarchy
In the hls.ory of Vietnam, and some steps were taken toward internaland standardization of ceremonial. Following unification of the
^Tfl* articular importanceestab-ishaent of higher training sehools for monks and the dispatchabroad for advanced
lM*WMP of3 Inter-Sect Committee for the Defense of Buddhism was drawn from these regional Associations and the national body and it Is these sane groups plus certain independent sects which Joined togetaer after the fall of Diem to form the Unified Buddhist Chureh (UBC).
word church is not an exact translation of the Vietnamese word but is the version most frequently employed by the soaks themselves.
Proa the above. It can be seen that several decades of continuity in organization, leadership and purpose underlie Vietcanese Buddbisahich Tea Chauisciple of Thich To Lien; Tan Chau wasice President, and tbe present Supreme Bonze of Vietnam, Thich Tinh Khiet, was President of the national Buddhist Association priorhich Tri Quaag, at the ageas spokesman of the delegation from Central Vietnam to1 unification congress. Although these relationships have yet to be explored, there appear to be strong "school" ties among monks who were trained at certain Buddhist Studies Institutes. Many of the programs and activities of today's Unified Buddhist Church have roots in this earlier period: the lay Buddhist school system, various social welfare institutions, youth groups such as tbe Buddhist Families organization and the Buddhist University Students Association.
Monks now in their forties and fifties have within their lifetimes seen the decay of several centuries reversed and Buddhism restoredital force in society. Many personally nade important contributions to the rebirth. It seers safe to speculate that this experience has helped develop the fierce pride, the intense dedication, and tbe relative unity which characterize tbe monk leadership.
Ve say "relative unity" because the UBC baa been troubled by interr.nl factionalism aince its establishment. Leading monks, such as Thich Tri Quang and Thich Tarn Chau, do not see eye to eye at all times on all issues and on methods to be employed. Some monks obviously are more activist than others. Regional loyalties also have their influence, as do the differences between the minority Tberavadsns and the majority Mahayanists. When it comes to the basic issues, however, the leaders appear to be able to putommon front, as happened during tbe Huong period and also the recent demonstrations demanding early elections and the formationonstitutional government. On tbe other hand, victory for the activist group of the Unified Buddhist Church could rapidly lead to factional aplits over the goals and methods of running the country.
A further sign of lack of complete harmony in Buddhismhole is the existenceeneral Buddhist Association, composed largely of southern Buddhist groups, which was recognized by the Huong government apparentlyove to divide the Buddhists. This association claims to have two million members and toolicy of keeping monks out of politica and of complete tolerance for and cooperation with other religions. We do not expect to hear much from it in regard to political iaaues in view of its policy of non-involvement
Finally, it is worth noting that the reform movement did not have gross root origins. It was consciously initiated and has been spread by educated laymen and monks with the latter taking an increasingly important role in recent years. While sociological studies of Vietnamese Buddbisa are completely lacking, one can tentatively conclude that the role of the monk in the community is gradually beginning to change froo traditional detachment to greater participation and leadership. One of the intriguing questions in
.his connection which deserves flutter study is why Buddhist leadership has centered so strongly in the monks and manifested ltaelf so little inhe almost complete takeover of the UBC by monks vhen it vasew eeks after3 revolution appeared to reflect their disillusionment about the selflessness sad honesty of laymen, hut additional study may rev.al other factors, possibly including scriptural Justification.
Having pursued their three goals quietly and tenaciously foreneration, it is not surprising that the Buddhists are beginning to see some results. The Unified Buddhist Church (UBC) has been formedroup of well educated sad highly motivated monks has been developed. The structure and leadership Is, therefore, shaping up. The remaining almost untouched objective is to "purify" Buddhism and strengthen its observance among the people. The monk leadership needs andalmer atmosphere thsn that now prevailing in order to pursue this goal effectively.
Social Pcvolution
The eocial revolution which isajor objective of leading Buddhist monks and the UBC finds its origins in the struggle egalost Diem which beganefense of Buddhism. All evidence points to the fact that the Buddhists reacted to circumstancesreconceived plot or plana. As Buddhists, they felt their religion was threatened, and their griev-ce*real or imagined, were emotion-charged and deep. As Vietnamese, they were repelled by the growing harshness snd repression of an authoritarian regime. As reformers, they feared their movement to revitalise and modernize Buddhism would fail if the Diem government continued la office.
As the Buddhists gained strength aad experiencehe nature of the struggle changed. Buddhist opposition crystallized popular discontent and mounting opposition to dictatorship, and the original cause to defend Buddhism was gradually transformed Into the beginningsajor social revolution.
There is relatively little disagreement among the Buddhists as to what social revolution is or the need for it to occur. Itrequent theme In the speeches and writings of the Buddhists In the post-Diem period. It is broader than the government's social revolution. Essentially, socialla ita Buddhist meaning ia equated with the popular demands that grew out of the struggle againsturge of the vorst Dieaist elements, elimination of corruption, creation of democratic lastltuticos, return to civilian leadership, snd improved conditions for the masses. It also seems evident that the social revolution is in the minds of many soaks synonymous with the Buddhist reform movement and the restoration of Buddhismosition of predominance In Vietnam. One of the Justifications used by mocks forBuddhism Is that It Is potentially the most powerful unifying forceadly fragmented Vietnamese society.
Buddhist-led agitation since the fall of Diea has adversely affected both internal security and the war effort, but in moat instances the monks have
been able to find Justification for their actions either in terns of the Buddhist social revolution or on the basis of self-preservation ia the face of what appeared to thea tohreat against Buddbisa. Less than two months after3 revolution, Mr. Trac Quacg Thuan,tudent leader, warned:
The rural population considers the change in regimeoup d'etat,evolution, because it has aot affected theaavorable way. evolution must bring about changea at the lowest levels of society, not Just iauperstructure. The great difference between tbe cities and the countryside ia still obvious.
Opposition to the Kbanh, Huong and now the Ky governments bas bean motivated at least in part, by growing disillusionment with the ability of the militaryilitary-controlled regime to rule Justly and with the relatively slow progress toward the goals of the Buddhist social revolution.
Underlying tbe desire for social revolution arc deep sensitivity and concern for the masses. Of all of the organised groupe In Vietnam, the mcnks axe undoubtedly in closest touch with the villages. The UBC haa provincial and district committees which are ataffed by cooks and laymen with direct village connections. They have assumed the role both of interpreter of the aspirations of the people and of protector of the welfare of the nasses. Their ccscera for the masses is certainly genuine, but it is not always clear whether the monks are reacting to the will of the people or are attempting to direct it. Ina, Thich Quaag Dopokesman for the UBC) said: he monks) er simply conscious of the aspirationa of thee know that dictatorship is contrary to the will of the meases, whether it be that of Diea or that which Khenh^aay be tempted to establlah." Thich Tri Quacg commented in5 that the Vietnamese government does not offer anything to relyhere is absolutely nothing in coamton between the people and theirnd ia6 be explained, "The population has been made miserable by the war and so they earnestly want an election."
There ia certainly strong and sincere conviction among tha Buddhists that the message of Buddhism ia relevant to the needs of the modern world. While this has enabled thea to accept the thesis growing out of the reform movement that Buddhismocial role to play and to identify with the idea of aocial revolution, very few have been concerned with the theological and philosophical Justifications for their action. In this connection, tbe work of Thich Hhat Hanh is of interest. Educated ia the best Buddhist schools In Viatn and at the Princeton Theological Seminary and Columbia University, tbe Vo-year old Shat Hanheeply religious aocial revolutionary. He is in theof monks who have sought to expend Buddhism's social role, but at the sane time he is aware that this could lead to overseeularixation and dilution of the religious force of Buddhism. Host of the doten or so books he has written ia the past ten years have dealt with the problem of retaining the purity of Buddhism while at the aase time relating Buddhism to the needs of
the ecu temporary world. The following passage, written in5 or6 is representative of Beat Baoh'a thinking:
[Buddhisn in Vietnam believes in] the self determination and the will of theelf-determination is the determination to do what we canhereig gam between tbe authorities and thee must try to make the people believe that politics is not the only means to democracy andhe people must recognize this fact and start doing thing* for themselves by whatever means theys he does not expect aid or grace from anyone or anywhere, the Vietnamese abould start making revolution in hia ownevolution from the lower to tbe upper level, and should abandon his passive attitude ofaterials needed for the social revolution are love, responsibility, ande must fight against poverty and illness and ita allies, ignorance end anarchy. Ve will use both the technical knowledge that we have acquired from Western nations and tbe heritage and knowledge handed down from our ancestors to oure should not put our hope of peace and happiness in Vietnam in money, dictatorships end hatred because experience has shown us that these only bring unhappiness to the people. The potentiality of Buddhism in Vietnam is immense. If we know how to utilize it, we could use ita force for theof our country.
Buddhism and Politics
Any consideration of Buddhism in politics is complicated by the monks' consistent denial of political goals in the face of reality of their political involvement. Kenneth Morgan of Colgate Universitywath la Vietnam in the summer5 systematically interviewing the top Buddhist leadership and found no monk or layman who advocated political action except in extreme cases where it would be necessary to protect or defend Buddhism. Inhich Tri Quang said:
We never want to direct nor to take any part in government. If the government is working for the interesta of the country, then we will exhort the faithful to supportovernment. If, on the other hand, the government is inefficient and weak, and tries to discredit the Buddhist faith, then we have no choice but to tell our people to beheir guard.
Be defined politics as:
eauine goodwill which works for th* Interests of theisualize Itevolutionary force (not any one political party) that should help better the people's standards of living and preserve their spiritual values.
This discrepancyory and actionw of semantic,. rit.rapokesmen have tended to'usJlhe" wo""
!oc-e^ a"human
PIMIIMH policyattern si: .ar to that of the Golden Age la not polit-
th' Buddbl8ts. lto bezant
to convey the narrow concept of partisan political involvement. Probeb-v
>TS5"frc= admitting to polttUalby the disagreement within the Unified Buddhist Church as to the nature and degree of Buddhist involvement in political affairs. Also, the Buddhists would obviously be unwilling to spell out any political plans they might have as this would forearm other elements In society which oppose thaa.
Given the foregoing factors plus the limited knowledge we have of Vietnamese Buddhism end its leaders, it is impossible to predict precisely
i" poUtics. One can, however, point to certain characteristics, trends and signs which seem likely to influence the development of the political side of Vietnamese Buddhism.
the post-Diem period up to the formation of the Ky govern-
ment, the Buddhistsinimum political demand, although it was not usually ar.lculeted as such: overnment which in no way threatened or opposed Buadhic-This required that they he given what from their point of view was an adequate voice in any government, whatever ita form. They believed they were entitled to this right because they represent the majority of the Vietnameaa people and because they led the revolution against Eiea. While there were certainly othe-ccosiderations and complications, the Buddhists opposed Khanh and Huong because they felt the gains they had won In3 revolution were in jeopardy. They took to the streets after Khanh moved toward dictatorship at Tnu Tau andto the streets when Huong's policies in their view threatened to weaker
I 01 thairunity.
sov.mments were frequently and atrongly criticised by the Buddhist, for not purging Diealst elements end permitting then to continue theirresumably anti-Buddhist, ways particularly on the local level and ia the countryc'dc.
To the Buddhiats, the Ky government represented the continuation of an unsatisfactory situation. It must be recognised that civilian, representative government was anhat arose out of th. revolution against Diem. ommon theme iahinking and writing ia the importance of reformed government and constructive government programs In winning over the people and thus alnlnit-ing the fratricidal war. That the Ky government did not fit thia Image was evi-eot from the beginning. Opposition to tbe Ky government erupted briefly In Central Vletaam ia the summer5 sod has since bubbled just beneath the surfacej also present were the frustrations and Bocial aad economic problems growing out of the intensified war effort.
The ouster of General Thiocus for Buddhist discontent. Thi was, in effect, the Buddhists' voice in the National Leadership Committee, the junta ruling Vietnam. evolutionary who had participatedoup
atteopt against Diem and whoains to identify himself with the common man, he was also in tune with Buddhist thinking. Bowever, there was little pretense that Thi was the main issue. While the Buddhists criticized tbe Ky government for corruption, mismanagement'and ineptaess and were also uneasy that the Chief of Stateatholic, the overriding issue was who would run tbe government. The monks were simply through with military rule.
Ia looking ahead to elections, the Buddhists have decided advantages in leadership and organization. One of the remarkable phenomena of the emergence of Buddhismocial and political force la Vietnam is the caliber of Its monk leadership. Little is known of the internal functioning of the Saagha, but it Is clear that monks with ability and Intelligence are identified early, trained, and moved Into positions of leadership. While not all monks are In agreement with Thich Tri Quang's politics, he Is widely respected ia the Saagha as an intellectual. Thich Ho Glac, co-chairman of the struggle committee against the Ky government, distinguished himselfrilliant monk student ten years ago in Phncm Penh. Generally, the component bodies in tbe Unified Buddhist Churcr. seem to be staffed more on the basis of pertinent experience, training, andthan on traditional factors of seniority, devoutaess, or nepotism. An additional advantage the monks have as opinion makers is their presumed lower class origins aad nationalistic fervor. They are identified neither with foreign powers nor with the privileged groups of previous regimes. They seldom apeak anything but Vietnamese. In some cases, monks are known to hide upper class origins in order to increase their appeal to the masses.
The network of Buddhist organizations throughout Vietnam is complex and of questionable efficiency, but it undoubtedly will be usedechanism to influence the electoral process. Under the Supreme Bonze, Thich Tinh Khiet, the Unified Buddhist Church is guided by two national bodies, the High Council of the Buddhist Hierarchy and the Institute for the Execution of the Dharma. The High Council, composed of sixty sealor monks, deals exclusively withmatters end regulation of the clergy. It has appeared relatively inactive, but it has given Its Secretary General, Thich Tri Quang, both staturehannel of access to and influence over tbe more than twenty thousand monks snd nuns of Vietnam.
The national body dealing with the lay affairs of the Unified Buddhist Church is the Institute for the Execution of the Dharma (IED). Under the overall guidance of its chairman, Thich Tan Chau, the USD is ledeadership Committer of monks composed of two Vice Chairmen, r. Secretaryreasurer and seven Commissioners beading General Commissions for Monk Affairs, Propagation of the faith. Education, Social and Cultural Affairs, Youth, Lay Affairs, and Finance. Each General Commission is divided into several sections and it is here that the day-to-day affairs of the UBC are carried cn. The IED functions through eight regional representatives each embracing several provinces and committees of representatives an the provincial and district levels. The IED organization can and sometimes does extend downward to the villages aad city wards whieh are considered the basic units of the UBC. The internal structure of the IED is based largely cn the pattern of the Buddhist Associations in theeriod, and this in some cases has provided continuity In leadership end
of Benmethuot-but It i. difficult totheirfceir
ess tto -
While Thich Tri Quang recently denied that the Buddhists mi-
2 Buddhiat et.te or make Buddhism the sta-e
ToBuddhiat attitude, nor=^ 0f 0
Vi*-tout fuller knowledge of the programs and leadershipuddhist-dominated government, it, form and political orientation are difficult to foresee
IfD can he teheeodel, it wouldtrong executive hut at the sane tine make allowance for the regional, ethnic and religious diversity of Vietaaa. Zt is possible: rt will be made to develop andietnamese Buddhist ideology, occasi-.tlly monks, particularly the younger ones, refer to the needevhich synthesizes the best of Eaatera and Western political thinking, Vietnamese culture and Buddhism. More realistically, Buddhist concernbe welfare of the people will probably initially resultolitical philosophy akin to democraticaimed at preventing exploitation of the masses.
Zt is equally difficult to be certain ef tbe attitudeuddhist government toward the war and tbe United Stataa. Certainly the ambiguity of Thich Tri Qusng and bis followers is cause for concern as is Viet Conginto Buddhiat organizations, but it ia worth noting that the Buddhist leadershiproup in the past has aupported neither neutralismommunist victory. Similarly, while the American presence in Vietnam has given rise to unpleasant incidents and misunderstandings, there is noof general agreement among the Buddhists that the United Statea should be invited to leave before tbe situation has Improved. Until further evidence ia available to the contrary, the more real problem for the Vietnamese will be Buddhiat overcconfidence in their ability to deal with the Viet Cong; for the Americans it will be the inevitably stronger pride and nationalismuddhist-dominated government.
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Original document.
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