SPECIAL REPORT
Thueeklypcci.il Rcpotti feci more comp Hon.cj| and Tcchiit
Jiicctl by :lie Office of Cu llcimrte or liic DireetomK
I the tub-il pitblica-rem Intel-of Science
CZECHOSLOVAK PARTY'S PROBLEMS ON EVEH CONGRESS
The Czechoslovak Communist Party, with its opening onay, is permeated, even atlevels, with doubt and pessimism over its
to solve the many problems confronting it.
It has been Just this developing sense of desperationprecipitatedombination of near economic collapse, political instability, and pressure from party as well as nonpartyhas brought the regime to accede over the past few years to demands for liberal reforms of almost every aspect of Czechoslovak political, economic, cultural, and social life. De-Stalinizatlon was reluctantly ordered2 byh party congress, and the liberals are hoping to safeguard their gains bythe changes.
Progress has been obstructed, however, byelements within the party to the point where the effectiveness of the reforms is threatened. The major dilemma facing tho party leadership is the patent need to implement them and the legitimate claim of the conservatives that the party's control and dominance would be Jeopardized by total Although most of tho issues have been thrashed out in stormy precongress discussions, opposing forces are likely to continue the struggle at the congress and afterward, when the regime attempts to implement "agreed" reforms.
Economy
Perhaps the most difficult and critical problem, one which willarge place on the congress agenda, is the need to stimulate economic growth. The economic reform programin January, with itsfor someof the economy, is unlikely to prove effective.
To succeed, the reformdepends heavily onof state and party bureaucrats. However, these
officials retain their power to intervene in the economy and probably would not hesitate to uso it. The leadership is thus caught between the risks of postponing fundamentalchanges and oftho fundamental political changes that would be needed to implement the economic changes. As the reform program shows, the risks of interfering with the political status quo seem greater and more real to the Czech leadership,the serious economicof recent years.
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to reform,emanates not only from the entrenched bureaucrat but also from the party rank and file who are naturally suspicious of any change and who may even fear for their jobs.
The most immediate source of party conflict, centering onlan is theovor investment policy, foreign trade, and feasible growth rates. The plan callsate of economic growth double that achieved15 and forthe work week toours for some workers. Last month's party central committee meeting announced plans to raise the annual average increase In national incometarget higher than thatear ago. party officials, however, reportedly feel that investment and manpower resources cannot supportower target.
The congress will .probably speak in favor of structural changes in the economy but will fail to push the necessary In particular thewill not move toresources in the longconsumer industries, as the liberal economists would have them do. Perhaps the only real economic reform to come out of the congress will be to shift responsibility for financing municipal and consumer services to local organs of government. These would then have to levy new taxes or raise prices to maintain and improve these
In the long run sweeping changes in the Czechoslovak economy are possible, even likely, and the concern of the party and the state bureaucrats for their future is quite real. The leadership, is. also uneasy and anxious to prevent mounting frustration and to avoid an even more serious economic crisis in the future. It is not yet willing, however, or able to permit the sweepingand shakc-up necessaryeal decentralization ofdecision making.
Local Government
Along with the limited economic decentralization that is envisaged, the regime has initiated equally important structural and fiscal changes to strengthen the local organs of government, the National Committees. As with thereforms, the central government and the party hope to retain most of their powers, but local government authorities have been given broaderand some potential for independent action by being ordered to become financially self-sufficient. It is still too early to tell if this strengthening of the National Committees will in fact provide for greater independence.
Some parallel exists in the regime's move two years ago to the National Assembly by giving thatmall degree of power. Since then, bills have actually been debated and even re turned to committee for changes. Nevertheless, last year the
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controversial police bill was promulgated as law in Itsform after the National Assembly had voted significant changes in It.
The Party
The key issue in theseand political reforms is the role the party is to play and how it can maintain its authority and discipline while encouraging the movementgreater initiative. The once all-powerful secretary of the party unit in tho factories and enterprises, for example, is not likely to comply willingly with the central committee's order that the party unit its role to political guidance and leave business questions to the enterprise aan-ager and his technicians.
Theroposed change of statutes to be presented to the congressintroduce some democratic practices. The central committee henceforth must seek concurrence from the local party unitif it wants toarty member. This reform may have been prompted, at least in part, by the case two years agooted party philosopherfroa his Job at theof Philosophy and from the party for his liberal views; the party unit St ths institute strongly and officially protested hisno avail.
Sticky Social Reforms
esult of its long, hard look at Czechoslovak society,
the regime has agreed toreforms of massmilitary and teacher training, the health system, the penal systora, the defense establishment, and the legala bill which has been debated for the past year. Twocontroversial issues have been left for the congress to deal with: educationaland the problem of youth.
A reform of higherwas proposed earlyut it met with strong from party conservatives and reportedly has been left for the congress to decide. In April, however, the National Assembly received andaw on advanced schools as liberal as the original, if not more so. This law and the larger education reform of which itart, provide umber of ducational ideas and forms. Much disputed but finally accepted were provisions for faculty election of the rectors of the universities and student participation in university policy planning bodies.
The dilemma facingarty on this issue has been the need forin the failure of the Soviet educational model, whichcopied, to maintain the once-exemplary quality of higher education inthe political threat posed by an independentin theexercised by university professors in the drive foron. The party is
SE00;
reluctant to loosenover the universities bo-cause of Increasing student political action.
Student unrest and demands have underscored the needow look at the mass youth organization, CSM, particularly in view of the sharp rise in Juvenile delinquency. Thehas rocognlzed itsto win over the youth in the schools and in thebut efforts toward at least an organizationalfirst typo ofthe party usually seeks--have generated disputesparty leader Novotny The two most dangerous proposals to date, oint of view,ivision of CSV into onefor students and another for young workers, or, theof CSVolitical unit free to suggest, criticize, and otherwise actolitical party. Neither of thesewillearing at the congress, but as the issue remains unsettled, some sparks of the dispute are likoly to flare up there.
Czech-Slovak Animosity
Traditional animositythe Czechs and Slovaks still plagues the Communist regime. Although relationsthe two peoples are not now at their lowest point, they are far from good either on the popular or the party level. Ever mindful of the problem,
which tends to take onproportions at times of public discontent or partythe regime has tried to placate Slovak nationalism by strengthening the Slovak National Council (the highest governmental organ in Slovakia) nnd bySlovaks into the inner councils of state and party on suchas budget and planning. However real or unreal this attempt to strengthon Slovak responsibilities and authority, the Slovaks themselves continue to seek greater autonomy in the form of a federated republic. Prague is not sympathetic to such proposals, but theof strong Slovakreportedly has forced the regime to resort toor power tactics even to Impress its will upon theSlovak party.
Apparently some territorial administrative reorganization lias been under discussion, albeit none that would give Slovakia greater autonomy. Heatedroposal to revert to theivision of tho country into Moravia, and Slovakia, in order to cope more effectively withreorganization. Thisreportedly is opposed by Novotny and may be a thorn in his side if not at the congress, perhaps after.
Culture and Ideology
Thepoets, journalists, economists, filmled the drive
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de-Stallnization andin Czechoslovakia since2 party congress. The regime has made repeated efforts ranging fromto outright suppression to curb public pronouncements by the intellectuals, many of whom are party members. For the most part, these efforts have not been successful and the congress has been givenrimary task theof ideological andpolicy.
To date, every attempt of the party to define andlimits of criticism has been circumvented; as onefor criticism has been suppressed or brought under control another has taken up the cry. In the areas ofand ideology, therefore, the party's pronouncements, such as the theses for thetend to be much stronger or conservative than wouldconsistent with thewhich is actually in progress. Liberalism oris still officially condemned as strongly asbut such condemnation is partially to reassureat home and abroad who fear things have gone or may go too far too fast in The cultural policy adopted by the congress is likely to follow this pattern, but, In fact, the party Is merely trying to contain what has become uncontainable. The only effective alternative now is one which the party is perhaps unable, to
eturn to Stalinistof criticism.
There hasreat deal of talk in Czechoslovakiaeturn to Stalinism by the congress, generated mainly by the tightening of controls in Moscow and by the Soviets' own reassessment of Stalin befored party congress in March. Novotny reportedly told Leonid Brezhnev that If the Soviet party rehabilitated Stalin it was questionable that he could bring the Czechoslovak party to follow. It did not come to that and there is little likelihood that Prague will turn to this extreme Harsh words, perhaps some administrative and fiscal measures, as well as personnel changes within the party's offices may occur at the congress, but whatever theireffoct, nothing short of total suppression of the writers' and Journalists' unions and their publications will long halt the bold and outspoken drive of tho intellectuals.
In the realm of ideology, the line the party would have the intellectuals propound has changed over the past years. In theory, Czechoslovakia by now was to have concluded the "buildingature socialist society" and the "laying of the foundationsransition tohis congress should have been ready to declare the opening of the period of the "transition to Communism" as the Soviets did atd congress
As late asho Czecha wore sttll hinting atjust this, and theynany of themeasures as foundation* for the imminent "all-peoples state" or classless society. As the leaders finally accepted what was obvious, however, the party began to make it clear that Czechoslovakmainly thenot developed as hoped or even as "planned*M
In the most recenton the subject, Novotny said that Czechoslovakia vas completing the buildingocialistdeclaration which would to put the Czechs behind even tho stage of laylnR the foundationsransition to Communism.
in the original theses prepared for the congress. As thehas drawn nearer, however, party leaders have admitted the inadequacy or unacceptabllity of soae of the proposals generated by the theses and have accepted bills and reforms which appear to be wore liberal than originally envisaged. The explanation for this seems to bo that theis being unusually realistic and is convincedommunisttheir own continuedsurvive or progress without these reforms The propaganda, therefore, tends to be on the conservative rather than the liberalcan be expected to be so at theto placate theopposition, but the actions, the laws, tend to the liberal side to meet the requirements of thu society.
The party leadership be characterizedroup, genuinely interested in democratization. Over the past few years there have been strong attempts at the highest levels of the party to obstruct many of the planned reforms, Novotny himself, in initiating the reforms, has risked losing his traditional source of sup-port--the nediuns-level party bureaucrats, the conservative plant managers, and hard-line provincial party bosses.
The conservative tendency of the leadership was reflected
Liberals, particularly libera) intellectuals, feel harassed and fear for the future of Movement since the last party congress, however, has been in only one direction. Jagged or precarious as the path has been or will be, even the party has admitted that there is no turning back. Any personnel changes that may occur at the congress, even at the party presidium level, are not likely to alter this.
Foreign Policy
Foreign policy is not likely to be atsource of dispute at the
congress, even though there is constant struggle and debate within the party and government in this area. In the past few years, Czechoslovakia has tried to adjust its relations with Communist Europe and the West to the end of gaining greater economic stability and, to some degree, independence. There has been no major reorientation of trade, but Praguo has tried to Improve its relations with the Best in other areas, to promote more trade with Western Europe and the us, and to place its trad* relations throughout the world on the basis ofself-interest. Thisbecause of Its ramifications for Czechoslovak relations with Moscow and tho rest of Eastern Europe, hasource of dissension in Prague.
With the change ofin Moscowovotny tried to place Czechoslovakiaomewhat better bargaining positionis Moscow In what has developed into a limited and mild de-Russlfication in Czechoslovakia. Prague has been placing its own needs above those of Moscow and the bloc, sometimes causing minorsuch as last year's hassle with Moscow over grain and probably other deliveries.
There have been Indications that the Czechs are discouraged by the failure of CommunistCouncil for MutualAssistance (CEMA) toan effective planning and
trade unit. Although theystill hope that somehow this economy-coordinating body can become useful, the Czechs have begun to refor increasingly to the Warsaw Pact organization aa the major unifying factor in Eastern Europe.
The decision to improvewith the West has been complicated by disunity on the issue within the Czechoslovak party. Even so, commercial with West Germany and relations with Western Europe in general have become closer in the past few years. in political and diplomatic relations with West Germany, has not progressed, nainly as the result of Soviet and East German pressure on Prague. with the US have notas well as those with Western Europe, and political forces in Prague opposed to an Approvement has been
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Congress Itself
The congress may take on the aspectollection of dull speeches, perhapsby some platitudes from the reported guest of honor, CPSU boss Brezhnev. There will be some personnel changes, none of which is expected to lead to significant policy changes, and there may even be some newand technical
measures announced. The mostaspect of this congress, however. Is the atmosphere In .which it is taking place; that is, the heated debates,and problems which havo preceded it, that mayin its closed sessions, and that probably will follow it. Theh party congress2 authorized the oponing of abox andh party congress unable to close the box, will try to cqna with tha consequences.
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