Created: 1/1/1970

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national intelligence survey publications


The boiic unit of Ihe NIS il Ihe Genera/ Survey, which provides coro-prehoniive bul concise coverage of Ihe basic characteristics of tho areo and include* the following topics: Introduction. Geography. Transportation and Telecommunications, Sociological, Political, Economic, Scientific, Armed Forces, and (os appropriale) Insurgency Threat.


In addition Io Ihe General Survey, more extensive coverage of certain topics for some areas is provided selectively in separate detailed NIS units. These topics, along with topics mat formerly were issued as separate NIS units, ore described in the NIS Standard Msfrucfionsocumentused by NIS producers).


Both Ihe General Survey and the detailed units aro complemented by the NIS Basic intelligenceeneral, ready-referencethat provides semiannual updating of the type of basic datain the Area Brief of the General Survey.


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Coordinated, edited, published, and disseminated by Ihe Central Intelligence Agency.

Subversion and Insurgency


Guyana, an independent nation sinceas inherited Irom its colonialumber of problem, which lend themselves to esploitation byand potentially insurgent elementseans of waning the country, political and soda]

In the view of the government, the most Important of these problems is die attempt by Venezuela toits longstanding claim to all territory west of the Esseqiiibofive-eighths of Cuyana's land area-by trying to subvert Ihe small groups of Amerindians in the area and by exploiting thetendencies ol the white ranchers living in thesouthwestern border region. Far removed from the center of government in Georgetown, and little touched by its decrees, the ranchers andense of loyalty toward or iuVntificatioo with the central government. In addition, the ranchers are distrustful of the government and its intentions, particularly because of Its reluctance to give the ranchers clear title to the land they occupy. TheAmerindians, the indigenous inhabitants of Cuy-ana. who cling totraditional way of life, are an iso-hiled, largely apolitical, remnant on tho fringes of Guyanese society.

The other threat facingnternal and has ts roots in the deep distrust and suspicion which have historically divided the country's two dominant racialNegroes and the East Indians. The dispute Is essentially political and economic, and fo-cuses on such basic issues as which group will wield pohticaJ power and which will have preferred access to the limited number of employment opportunities. By the time Guyana achieved independence there had developed what iswo-party system polarized along racial lines. Tho black community hai come to be represented by the People's National Congress (PNC) led by Prime Minister linden Forbes Humham. nnd the great majority of Easthave supported the People's Progressive Partyarxist-oriented party formed by Choddi Jagan and his American-born wife. The PPPfrustrated by its failure to gain control of the government despite the party's electoral strength, has been under pressure by enrcmists tn its ranks to raise the banner of revolution, employ lerrorMm, resort to strikes, economic boycotts andeans of gaining such control There is,widespread dbagrcement within the PPP over tbe wisdom of such tactics, perhaps reflecting theof the Jagan. themselves as to whether the party should seek to govern through the eastingorevolution. Furthermore, all political factions recognize that serious disorders and other domestic turmoil might only rocourage Venezuela to assert its territorial claims more vigorously.

In addition to these immediate threats, the Covem-roes* of Guyana facet the pressing problem of trying to meet the expectations of its citizens for improved level, of living by trying to accelerate economicof the country. This must he accomplished in the face of such handicapsarrow resourcehortaRe of investment capital,ack of skilled manpower. At the presentajority of Guyanese appear tot the Burnhnm Government's middle-of-the-road ewnornic program, but popular attitudes could change markedly if there is notprogress made toward solving chronicsuch as unemploymenthortage of housing Despite the potential for political, social andinstability, extremist clement* enjoy little in-fJoence at present, either withinajor political parties or in the countryhole. There are, to bo sure, small groups offrom factions receiving support from Commuoist China to Black Powerthey are ineffectual and do notirect threat to the established demo-cratie order. This is due in part to the conciliatory polldes of tho Burnham government, which have served toecurrence ofivil itrife and to lower the level of racial and pohticaJBoth the blacks and the East Indians now rccog. nize that establishment of reasonably hanaonioui race relations fa

^ equauv .AlhpetlMfli. hjj

the FPTt capacity to mount guerrillairtually nonexistent, even when allowing for lessigh degree of operational efficiency oo the part of Cuyana's police and defense forces.

B. Basic vulnerabilities and strengths I. Geographic

Guyanaparsely populated country, for the most part made up of hot, humid, coastal plains and forested plains and highland* which would present both advantage and handicaps to operations by guerrilla forces. Considered from the standpoint of

atffcrenecs in terrain, Guyana Is divided into tlircc geographicCoastalorest Plains aod Highlands, ami Southwestern Savanna.

The Wrt Coastal Plains, with aboutf the total land area, containf tbe population (see Orientation Map,bout half of this region, the area northwest of tho Essequibo River, is fairly well suited for irregular force operation* because there is sufficient vegetation for concealment. In addition, the paucity of surface transportation routes and the extreme difficulty or impossibility of vehicularmovement would render the activities of irregular forces difficult to detect and by conventional forces. By contrast, the southeastern half contains the most extensive road network, as well as tlie densest population tn the country. In most of the region, movement by small groups of irregular force personnel on foot would be feasible hut would be arduous because of dense vegetation orwet, miry ground. Movement of such groups in the populated southeast would be hampered by tbe extensive net of major and minor irrigation canals wi,:rh rii-vK'ssi-ji

Small bunds of irregulars generally could obtain basic sustenance by exploiting local crops, particularly rice, would betn much of the southeast; natural sources and local areas of subsistence agriculture couldutilized elsewhere. Other supplies, such as clothing, arms, and ammunition, would be- unavailable except for limited quantities from tlie larger settlements tn the southeast. Irregular forces operating in this region would be subject to several adverse physiological and psychological conditions, most seven ol which are the almost continually high temperature andami the numerous poisonous reptiles and disease-carrying insects. Border crossings would be easy, and could be accomplished with little chance of detection along (he formed border with Venezuela, but would be difficult across tbe wide, unfoidable Courantyne River forming the boundary with

Tho Forested Plains and Highlands. comprisingf the country, are covered almostby dense forest. In general. Ihr region is sparsely populated and there arc very few roads andhort railroads. Large areas are accessible only by air or tivw travel. Most of this region is well suited to guerrilla operations- The predominantly dense vegetative cover would afford exorllentfrom both airround observation und provide limited cover from small arms fire as well. Although ihe dense vegetation and rough terrain would restrict irregular forces to movement on foot, these factors would hamper or even preclude opera-lions by conventional ground, airmobile, amiforces. In general, fresh water, food fromand cultivated sources, and timber for fuel and shelter construction are available; howijver, supplies of clothing, arms, and ummunilion would be lo obtain within the region. Supply by air from would be feasible by utilizing the scattered areas. Conditions thai could cause adverse logical .ind psychological effects on ii regular arc similar to those prevalent in the Wet Plains. The International boundaries of this regioo> either forested or along forest-lined streams, amj adequately patrolled, and could be crossed by groups with little chance of detection.

The Southwestern Savanna region is largely up ol flat to rolling plains except in the north, plateau-like hills cut by deeply incised stream are predominant Scattered small groups of engaged In subsistence agriculture and the tintsew cattle ranches comprise tbe spurnftion. I in ri ust part, the surface portnhon network consist*ew dry-wcatber and tracks. Although the major streams arc incised and seldom overflow their banks, lakes ponds develop in hollows and smaller tributary periodically flood extensive areas.

Conditions for irregular force Operations ara favorable in most of ibe Southwestern Savanna' giou. Tlie main determinants are the general sufficient vegetation for concealment from ajfj servation and the overall suitability of the region' conventional military operations. Moreover, nel would have to contend with wet. miry grouod_ extensive flooding at times during the wet May through August,carcity of (rcsh water (Ih: rest of the year. Although irregular activities would be possible io parts of the they would be restricted to the forested areas, common on the steeper slopes and inlleys


Despite its physical compactness, Guyanese hasving great difficult) Inntegrating its various racial or ethnic group, havereserved distinctive social ligions, customs, and even habilf of work. Ibis lation melange is made up ofozen elements, plus several distinctive racial thai Guyana is often styled the "Kind of six Distinguishable elements include the East tbc Negroes and partmi British, guese, Chinese, and Amerindian minorrOes

The most distinctive fcatuir of Guyanese is the deep division betweenaigirrt racial the Easi Indians (moref the and tbu Negroes; and mixed Negroes (about Latent antagonisms surfaced in thuncreasing competition for Scarce jobs and, isn politically inspired racial riots, racial conlhct has caused many deaths, has peoplerofound sense of irtsecurity, sod prevented ihe developmentnified nation.

Bra moil cither aspects of Guyanese Hip, the strut-of the society and the current sociopolitical are based primarily on ethnic origin.uropean power for several can-beforc independence created, at tlte top ofmall white group, which formed levers of government and business. Only fraction of the population, this group con-mostly ol expatriates who would eventually to the mother country. The children ol the elite went to the mother country either for their Don or upon niching maturity, and usually even when bom in the colony) settled Inert With the exception. citizens Canadians who came to tbe country a* *cnior of mining management after World War dominant social group has been almost ex-'vefr British forenturyalf.ot homogeneous, for itidef occupations (from managing director to plantation overseer) and pronounced educa-differences. Since independence, the prcdom-and exclusivencss of this elite has been re-People of other ethnic groups, who have "eved prominence in husincss. the professions, ot public office, now have accesso top social

middle level of the social structure is extensive, iTOgeneous, and subdivided into several according to ethnic origins. Whatever the access to thisained only by educa-white-collar fob, or wealth. The ability to speak English (rather than the distorted versions used at the lower social level)rerequisite (orAt the top of this middle group are thewho, although white and European (or Euro*ad intermarried with tlte non-Europeans> were never admitted to thelevel group. The Portuguese were indentured plan tattoo laborers who originally came to the colony (rowdy from the island of Nfadeira) during the latter part ofh century and early part ofh. They soon moved from the plantations to the towns, where many became merchants, and, In succordtng generations, politicians. The Portuguese have adopted British ways, speech, and culture and have Itecome the top stratum of tin' middle-level group. Thisalsoumber of prominent Africans and person, of other ethnic groups. In fact,be number of lesser professionals, merchants, and public officials from all ethnic groups ascending to the top middle level has been on the iucreaw

In spite of the social stratification, all leveb ofmay mix at public functions and in privnte,hrust toward social integration of tlte middle and upper levels is evident. Social mobility has increased in the last lew yean, and nationhood, with itsGuyanlzatlon of the governmental andechelons which form the upper class, liasegree ol fluidity to the society which is certain to alter its structure The ethnic pattern of the social structure has remained sharp, however, and there are no strong occupational, associattonal, or class loyalties which effectively cut across racial lines and firmly unite the Negroes and the East Indians.

Theears of compulsory6 have made the Guyanese keenly aware of the importance ol rdneatson.emit, thespends more on education lhan on any other singleof total public spending inand the officially reported literaryof the highest in Southrisenf the population, agednd over. toThe actual literacy rate, however, may be somewhat lower, since many children in rural areas tend to lose their reading skills after leaving school) Despite Ihis progress, the governments efforts are still inadequate, especially In the faceapidly growing population In 1WK>f thehadain in ff beyond the primary levd,% had complrted the secondary cycle, and%ersons)niversity degree- Throughout tin- country, schools areill equipped, and poorly staffed, and they arc not providing the tkilk most needed for aeconomy. Although increased vocational and technical training it recognized by theas essential to economic development, popular attitudes are changing only slowly, and most Guyanese still aspire to see their children receive an academic education il at all possible. InS the Minister of Education recommended to the Notional Assembly numerous changes iti the " system, but full implementation of theol which are discussedbe delayed many years by the shortage of funds, the need to retrain teachers, and inertia in the government and among the teachers.

Another important proMom in the educational sys-teat it the friction created by tbe imposition of British and Cbristian cultural standards upon Eastarge proportion of both secondary andschools are opera tod by ChristianEast Indijn parents are concerned that their children will have to ulundori their cultural identity in order to get along in school. They feel East Indian children arc discriminated against in the system. Also, East Indian teachers are faced with the anomaly of having toulture not their own, and in many Instancies- havo to becomen order toobromotion. Some Hindu and Muslim schools have Ih-'ii established, hut they are still in-


adequate to meet the need* nf the East Indian popu-lallon. Sometimes referred to as "mushroomhese often Can be attended only after normal school liours. Tbe government hu taken some steps todiscrimination within the school system, to secularize dencminatiotud scltools, to create more government schools, and to give more aid to Hindu ami Muslim schools. It will be some time, however, before such educational reforms will be extensive enough to benefit all the East Indian school-ago

The birth rate has remainedigh level for many years;esult the imputationery large proportion of children.or example, moref the population was less thanears of age- The death rate, meanwhile, has declined sharply, and it is this reduction in mortality that hasapidly rising rate of population growth. Emigration to the United Kingdom, which lowered Cuyana's growth% per annum% during, has born severely curtailed because of the political and social problems it created In both the United Kingdom and Cuyana. If the birth rate remains at its present high level while the death rate continues to decline, ando large increase in the volume of emigration, the population will more than double during theears9uch rapid growth can be expected tothe problem of improving the economic and social well-being of the Cuyanese. The pressure of population on developed resources will be morethe number of dependent children in thewill increase, and the already much-needed investment capital will probably become even more difficult to obtain.

Despite charges by both )agan and Bumham that racial prejudices have hampered government programs, the civil service, which isegroast Indian, has generally maintained anonpolitical status, approximating thetradition.tween members ofaces have generally been good on purely civil service bines,airly high esprit de corps has beenThe major problem of tbc bureaucracy has not been nepotism, partisanship, or disloyalty, butow level of administrative and technicaldue to inadequate education, training, and experience.


In spite of efforts made in theoational multiracial party, not even the rallying cry of independence and anti colonial ism proved strong enough to overcome the suspicion and distrust which have historically divided the Negro and East Indian corrummihes.7 the country has developedwo-party system polorUed along racial lines. Tbc Negro conuminity has come to be represented by Ihe People's National Congress (PNC) led by Bumham, while the great majority of the East Indians have supported tbc People'sParty (PPP) led by lagan. Together these two parties have never polled lessf.

A third party, the United Forceed by Mar-cellus Fcilden Singh, has drawn its major support from the whitetheThis party has uho attracted substantialsupport and, in addition, has bad appeal to those East Indians who did not approve of Jagan but who would not vote for Bumham.

To the problem of racial d. vision is added tbematter of ideological cleavage.oderate soclalbt. Jagan is anwho in9 publiclyadherence to the world Communisthb allegiance to Moscow, He has longradicalization of Guyana's political andsystem and an abrupt turn toward ain foreign policy. Inreviousgoverning, however. Jagan was largelythe reserve powers of the then BritishJagan's first attempt, after the PPP had wonelection, his pro-Communistalarmed the British that Ihey suspended theond sent In troops. During lib secondtbe colony was rocked by bloodygeneral strikes, occasioned mainly by hbtbat of stale control ol trade unions-there has been no recurrence of any


Guyana has experienced considerable economic growthut it continues tooor nation inarge proportion of the people live at little more than subsistence levels. An acceleratinggrowth, which dates from tbc eradication of malaria in the early postwar period, has, in Urea incisure, offset economic gains Because of the lugged nature of its terrain (moref the country consists of dense, almost impenetrable tropical ratif the totalsed for apt-cultural purposes, and the pressure of population oa tleveloped agricultural resources is very great,in (he densely settled coastal areal tbc population lives.

Guyana's economy is dominatedxport own-modirice, andimited largely to the processing of these products.hare of GDP. mining increased from1 toargely because of e> pansion programs in the foreign-owned bauxite k>

dustry. Moreover, the amount of bauxite converted Into alumina and exported to aluminum producer* more than doubled1n the latter year bauxite and alumina export*of total commodity earnings.

Foreignital to the economy. During the lOGOs. exports averaged the equivalent offof the world's highestimportsecause ofproductionising trend in export prions, the total value of exports grew fairly rapidly during. Guyana, however, is highlyon imports for capitalndustrialand many consumer goods; and the increase in production, investment, and per capita incomeas been accompanied by an even more rapid increase in imports.

During, agriculture's share of GDPdespite government efforts to diversify nnd expand production. Although progress has been made In increasing the output of lest traditional food crops and livestock products, total agricultural production hat shown little growth.

Continued economic progress nppears to depend on further export expansion, based almost entirely on bauxite mining and agricultural production- Profitable exploitation of any additional mineral wealth,eological survey now in progress may report, will lie inhibited by luck of adequate transportation. Guyana's large hydroelectric potential provides another development possibility hut one that depends on the availability of external capital. Probably the most important factor In attracting investment, and thus in overall development, is the maintenance of political stability.

Government economic policy is designed primarily to speed economic development by encouraginginvestment and by improving the country'sIt is also designed to solidify the political position of the PNC. the party which won8 election and that Is headed by Prime Minister Bum-ham The government owns andf the rice mills and other agricultural processing facilities, about one-half of the electric power generatingvarious telecommunications facilities, and Ihe national airline. It also exercises Indirect control through price supports, marketing operations, and foreign trade regulations. To carry out itspolicy, the government has. with external help, funded various agricultural and industrial incentive schemes to stimulate private inveslmont. It has alsoublic investment program to expand the economy's inadequate network of transportation and com municatjora.

The Rovemmenl'i development policy is based on the Seven Year Development Plan,.

which was drawn up at the endlmost half the investment expenditure proposed under theplan was earmarked for agricultureuns -porta boo (mostlyor health and other social services, and tbc remainder for seawalls to protect cultivated land, for hydroelectric power development, and for direct investment in industrial protects, communications, and education. Thb plan was reviewed by an International Bank for Resources and Development (IBRD) study group8 and revised by the governmentlthough theplan is more concrete than the originalactual investments still are dictated mainly by the availability of foreign and domestic financing, and by local political considerations. The plan calls for annual public investment of3 million and anticipated private investment* ofSS0 millionarlier the rate wasrivate investment rose5 million6 and CW3 million7 but fell toillion8esult ofof some projects in the bauxite industry. Actual public invtstmetit expenditures have risen sharplyut averaged onlyS million annually.

Guyana has managed to bold prices fairly stable. The cost of riving increase has averaged slightly underearespite pressure from tho highly unionized work force, money wages havealoderate rate in most sectors. These raises have averaged aboutnnuallyhus resultingmall increase in real wages. Since imi>orts supply more than half of all goods told in Guyana, much of the Increase in the cost of living has been due to increases in the prices of Imports.

Unemployment hat remained high for the pastears, in spite of the steady growth of tbe economy. The unemployed representedf Ihc labor force at the endst ihe root of this persistentproblem hashe steady progress ofInontributory factor has been the growing dislike lor agricultural pursuits on the part of new arrivals into tbc rural labor force, which causes them to remain idle in hopes of findingm other branclies of thr economy.

Analysis of the labor force by length of time worked during the year show* that underemploymenterious problem. In addition to the many who held only part-lime or occasional jobs, there were many whose occupations requiredinimum amount of time or whose full potential was not utiliied. Onlyone-half of tbe employed were fully(defined as those who worked at leasthe government is endeavoring toemployment To cut the rale of unemployment

in* hah*l the workers)owever, employment would have to increaseimes tngher than at present

ecurity forces

Tbe Guyana Police force, establisheds charged with responsibility for the maintenance of law and order, the prevention and detection of crime, the repression ol internal disturbances, the protection of property, and the apprehension o! offenders.

Fromit was cons-erfeduasi-military force forming part of the overall defense forces of tb* then Britishindependence in0 Itual status. With independence, basic responsibility for military defense was entrustedewly created Guyana Defense Forcehe Police Force stillimited paramilitary capability and could be called upon In times ofto supplement the GDF.

Tbe Police Force, beaded by the Commissioner of Police, is organizedasisettered divisionseadquarters at Timrhrinear Georgetown. The Commissioner isto the Minister of Home Affairs lormatters.tate of emergency, the force comes directly under the Prime Minister forcontrol. Under both normal and emergency conditions, the force is eipected to work closely with tbe CDF. aad Joint operations have been held tothis cooperation, which, bowwrr. is somewhat inadequate-

The Police Force is assistedart-time auxiliary organizations: the Specialeserve organization which comes on active duty to assist with special situations such as elections; tho Rural Constabulary, which serves as process servers in rural areas and as mine guards; and the Supernumerary Constables, who are employed as guards for thefirms and government departments which pay them. The constables wear police uniforms, arc given several weeks of police training, and are subject to police discipline, but they are normally unarmed and arc never called lor regular police duty.

The Police Force consists ol0 mat- One-third are concentrated in theAirport area, tbe country's principalcenter and strategic area, where civtlare most bkely to occur. Tho other personnel arc located throughout the country in units varying from company size down toiunin the interior villages.

Tbe force's principal strengths include experience in riot control and adequate arms and communications equipment. Since independence, the British haveto provide general police training for officers. In. assistance is provided through tho

The Guyana Defense Force was organ bed and trained by tlie British, who. untilboseveral staff officers as well as the commander. Although the last British officer departed inritish military organization and tradition,the practice of avoiding active involvement in politics, remain firmly established. Tlte leaders of theClarence Price. GDF commander, andattalion commanders, U. Col. Martlndale (also deputy to Price) and U. Col- Roberttbe company commanJers are considered to have no political ambitions.

The combined Defense Force-Police Force Isof controlling internal incidents short of racial Onorders approximating; civil war. Widespread civil strife could be Suppressed only with outside rcinforce-ment of security forces. Flexibility is limitedack of cross-country mobilily because of the shortage ofaircraft, and amphibious vehicles.

oreign affairs^

The governments concern about subversion relates primarily to the threat posed byattemptsdvance Hs claim to all Guyanese territory west of the Essequibo River by subverting the Amerindianon there and inciting them to aid the separatist tendenciesmall number of white ranchers in tba area.

Tbe Venezuelan claim to0 square miles of the Essequibo River (Figureased on contention that an international arbitration tri-anil award9 was biased through bribery by

The CDF. like the Police Force, is heavily Negro in Its racial composition, with blacks accounting forfeneservistsin its ranks. Priorhen Venezuela began to assert its claims to Guyanese territory morethe Burnham government had sought to follow through on its plans to achieve racial balance in the CDF by recruiting additional East Indians. This goal appears to have beenleastthe belief that it did not further the government's goal of an "absolutely dependablefor protection against Venezuela. TheInsteadodified policy of encouraging the recruitment of individuals best qualified for service in the force regardless of racial background but with tight security checks on all inductees, especially East Indians. Thb policy, along with the tendency of the blacks to be attractedilitary career and to adapt more readily to its demands, will tend to perpetuate the racial Imbalance in thr defensehe British of the Russian chairman. Tlie Issuerelatively quiet until tho.s final preparations were under way for Guyana's independence,ritish Cuiana, and Venezuelan Governments agreed to the establishment of the Venezuelan-Guyanese Mixed Commission to discuss disputes arising out of Venezuelan claims. The commission has had no success, and Venezuela has since provoked several incidents, including6 seizure of Ankokoiny border island, half of which is claimed by Cuyana.

7 Venezuela hasemiclan-destlnc campaign to subvert the Amerindians, and it encouraged an abortive uprising in0 of white ranchers in tbe Rupununi District. Although the Bum ham government has spoken out sharply against the rcbeb and their foreign supporters, it has avoidedause citebrt of the issue. Instead it has sought, within its limited resources, to strengthen the armed forces and to Improve the capability of forces In the border area. Cuyana has not yetbrought tbe dispute before tbe United Nations, but il might do so if Venezuelan pressure continues.

Guyana alsoorder dispute with Surinam which has become an impediment to cooperation betweenountries. Tlie difficulty stemsifference of opinion over which tributary of the Couraniyne River should be the boundaryquare miles ofreaty negotiated9 between the Netherlands and the United Kingdom, which would have resolved the Issue, was never signed because of World War II. Thb treaty, which found in favor of the Unitedestablbbed the boundary sulatantialty asontroversy also exists concerning offshore oil deposits which may exist at the mouth of the Cotirantyne- Neither issue had been settled at the time of Guyana's inclependetsce. and the situationrelatively quiescent untilhen elements of the Cuyana Police Forceurinam hydrographic team from the contestedliowdown appeared in view when Surinam established several police posts in the disputed area and Burnham ordered Guyanese military forces to move against the Surinamese police. The situation eased after the United Stales. United Kingdom, and the Netherlands urged restraint. Another flarrupIn Augusthen the Guyaneseurinamese police outpost In the disputed area. Prime Minister llumham has Indicated that he would be willing to submit the dispute to the World Court and that he is ready for talks to begin. The dispute hasentwined in the local politics of both countries, however,inal settlement will be difficult to achieve.

C I'liuitiry active discontents

merindians nnd while ranchers'

For much of the past decade Venezuelan govern-menli have actively reasserted their territorial claim to the Essequibo area, and Venezuela has alsoa scmiclandestinc campaign to win the loyally of the Guyanese Amerindians, especially those living near the disputed border. This led toenezuelan diplomat inut efforts to persuade the Amerindians that they could expect better treatment from Venezuela haveVenezuela lias helped to establish, finance, andmall but now discredited Amerindian politicalGuyana National Partyt has also distributed free books, food, and other gifts; tried to teach tho Amerindians Spanish: extendedfor them to visit Venezuela; and giventraining to several hundred. Although, ns yet, little lias been accomplished, these efforts have been aided by the fact tint the Amerindians do notnational boundaries and customarily migrate betwsenountries.

Tensions heightened in9mall-scale Insurrection broke out in the southwestern area known as Ihe Rupummi District, inhabitedmall group of cattle ranchers of mixed Scottish and VS. origin- These independent-minded ranchers,hallenge from the government in

Georgetown concerning land to which they have no

title, have always tended to have separatist leanings.

After receiving Venezuelan encouragement, training,

and arras, the ranchers and some

of theiremployees, who were for the most pari pawns,urprise attack and momentarily seized tbe town of Iiethem, the ndministiative center of tho Hupununl District Elements of the CDF, however, were quickly flown to the area, where tbey routed the rebels and razed their ranches. Most of the ranchers and some Amerindians fled to Brazil and Venezuela. Venezuela denied Guyanese charges of responsibility and did not respond to rebel calls for help It did, however, give them hospitality and financial aid.

Guyanese policymakers are concerned about thein,kins, among whom there are various tribal JJlNijSstlti wilh profound diversities in culture andorganization, but wlw nonctliclcss tend to act politically as one element. Although composing less than We of tlie popul-ilKm. theyawn in tlie Guyana-Venezuela border dispute. In addition, given the narrow balance of Guyanese politics, tbevote of0 assumes considerableWhile in the past the United Force (UF) has bad the greatest SUCCOH in attracting their vote, both the PPP aod the PNC have been increasingly seeking it. Pursuantecision made atonference in London that Amerindians should he granted legal ownersliip or rights of ticcupaney in areas where they are ordinarily resident,iid* Commission was set up to Investigate and recommend the awarding of such lands to individuals, families, village councils, or tribal groups. Theis to recommend limits on the amount of land to be assigned to an individual or tribe, whether such title will include subsoil rights, and howsales should be regulated, in order to protect the less sophisticated Amerindinns from unprincipled Und speculators. The study has been completed, but its nature and the likely degree of govern mentalof the commission's recommendations are not yet clear.

In general, tlie government's policy is to improve the Amerindians' material and social welfare and integrate them more fully into Guyanese society. In part, the impU-mentation of this policy has suffered from administrativeifferences of opinion within the parties of the governing coalition. Thus, while the UF leadership lias upheld tlie rights of tbe Amerindians as the original inhabitants, leaders of the PNC have tended to consider Negro rights foremost; Burnham abo has considered settling tbc Interior with Negroes from the eastern Coribbeun islands. While Ihe UF opposition supports the Amerindian daim to all the lands they have traditionally occupied, Includingrights. Bumham and the PNC have tended toegalistic interpretation thai the Interior is all Down Land. Under such an interpretation the Amerindians would own only that to whichave lieen grunted title by the Crown, and few such grants have been made.

The Bumham administration has yet to reconcile its advocacy ol Ibe integration of the AmerindianInto Ibe larger Guyanese society with tlie Amerindians' determination to remain on largespecifically designed lourely Amerindian way of lifelio Amerindian question Is tied to the larger problem of settling and.-eloping thi Interimncludes the qm itfaai a| how many settlers lo admit, and at what speed, and on wlial term* they should .uquire land. Government

policy on three issues has not yet been formulated, so that the developmentoherent Amerindian policy is impeded.

agan and his followers

As long as the PPP limits its opposition tomeans and its struggle for power tochannels no serious threat to stability is likely to arise. The PPP draws its principal support from tho large East Indian community, most of whom are not Communist The top leadership of the party, however, invariablyro-Communist lino and Jagan has publicly proclaimed his allegiance to Moscow.3 the leadership was buoyed by themergence as the country's largest party. It has been further encouraged by thepredominance of the faster growing East Indian community. The party leadership therefore has been disposed to follow the electoral path to power. It has, however, become increasinglyabout tho possibility of achieving power by peaceful means, and increasingly suspicious that Bumham would neither conduct honest elections nor surrender poweruly elected PPP government. The party has charged that the British delayed granting the colony independence, and altered the electoral system, in order to ensure that the PPP would not be in power at the time of independence. They contend further that Bumham, following this same kind of policy,PP victory in8 election and, indeed, caused the party to fall below the PNC in electoral strength. They accuse him of manipulating tho electoral regulations and rigging the election. The PPPs ownowever and Jagan's cynical attitude that it could not win were objective factors which contributed to the poor showing.

This growing frustration in the PPP may increase the temptation torogram of armedwhich Jagan has stated Is historically inevitable for Guyana. There are no Indications, however, that the party has made any plans to takeourse of action. The party's capacity to mount guerrilla operations is extremely limited.

d. Communist-inspired subversion

There is no Cooimunikt party per se in tbe country, but Cheddi Jagan's PPP it led by Communists and maintains ties with the Communist Party in, Cuba, and the United Kingdom and with other foreign groups and individuals. Jagan,peech at the Moscow meeting of world Communist parties inpenly enrolled tho PPP in lite

"ideological family* of Communist parties, Hehis determination to mold the PPPore disciplined Marxist-Leninist party and tothe party's organizational structure along the lines of the Soviet party.

either Latin American nor

Soviet Communists, however, have shown anin encouraging, directing, or funding aeffort in Cuyana. Although the PPP isled and hasarxist ideology, it is notommunist party by most of its membership. Of the PPPs0 members and supporters, onlyre believed to bemmuattts The rank and file of the PPP, which consists mainly of East Indians, understands little concerning Marxist ideology and has supported Jagan in past elections mainly for racial reasons aad because of Jagan'f personal charisma.

The PPP. the oldest party, traces its lineage to the Political Affairs Committee, the first significantorganization founded in British Guiana. Tha Marxist-oriented political education group was formed6 by Cheddi Jagan and his American wife, Janet (nee Rosenberg)hom he met3 when beental student in Chicago and shetudent nurse active in leftist circles and

In order to give hisass power base, Jagan became active in promoting the cause of the sugar workers, and, with their support, vras elected to the Legislative Councilnith the help of Forbes Bumham,of the British Cuiana Laborounded the PPP. Ib program of immediate reform, its ability to unite the rural East Indians and tha'; urban working class Negroes, and the organizational talents of Janet Jagan soon made it the most ful political force in the colony.he party consistentlylurality of the electoral vota..

Shortly after Uie PPPsow-key power struggle broke out between Bumham nod Jagan, at .first because of Burnhams aspirations for leadership, and later because Bumham believed that Jagan'sinvolvement with international Communist circles might be seized upon by the Britisheason for proscribing the party. I


membership, winning3 electionf the vote.

Once in office, the PPP rejected the existingas an improper instrument for achievinggovernment, and attempted instead toits own policies of accelerated progressfall self-government and tbe establishmentarxist state. Erratically, the party could not decide whether It wanted to govern with the existingorevolution, and its actions reflected thb ambivalence. The economy declined because Western capital was leery of Jagan's Communistphilosophy. When the government pushed through legblation aimed at getting full control of the labor movement, the long-established free trade unions resisted and strikes broke out. Violentfollowed, and the British suspended the

With the PPP out of office and both Cheddi and Janet Jagan placed under restrictions by the British, intrapsrty dissension continued to grow, culminating in5 when the Bumham factionarty conference and installed Bumham as party leader. Because tho majority of the NegroesBumham and the majority of East Indians supported Jagan, the result was an open split in the party and tha beginning of racial politics. Following the split, the PPP became mainly an East Indian party whose electoral support was primarily based on racial grounds and Jagan's personal appeal.there have been several defections and much factionalism,7 Jagan's charisma among the East Indians, and abo his intimidation practices, have been sufficient lo compel dissident partyto submit to party discipline or be forced out. Hispparently based on his decades ofwork, hb control of the PPP organizers, and the fear by many of his ability to retaliate against dissidence by violence or economic boycott. Thus, the PPP has remained firmly under the control of Cheddi Jagan, who holds Ihe office of Party Leader, and hb wife Janet, who occupies the position ofSecretary.

The Jagons have contended that because ofcontrol of the electoral machinery the PPP could have no hope of coming to power legally. Yet they have vacillated between the militants who have called for violence and the moderates who have calledore pragmatic, less ideological approach. The more moderate fiction, led by Fenton Hums above and Aston Chose, has argued that the partyarefully planned strategy and that Cheddi Jagan's preoccupation with openlyarxist policy will continue to stand in the way of the PPFs return to power. Their call for change floundered,hen Jagan opposed them. The proceedings of both78 party congresses revealed Jagan's almost total control of the party machine. They also indicated hb determination to continue to pressisciplined Marxist-Leninist party structure,the peasant and small capitalist iostincts of most of the East Indians.

They Guyaneseairly well organized party. Partystimatedues-paying mcmlwrs0 supporters.ajor organs are the Party Congress, theCouncil, and thr Executivearty Congress is held annually, ostensibly to elect the party leadership und to debate and approve major policies. However, the congress bus not played arole in party affairs; It has been, for the mostubberstnmp. Somewhat morememlxT Ceneral Council elected by the Party Congress and composed of the principal party(Chairman; Leader; Senior and Junior Vjce Chairmen; tbe General, Assistant Ceneral, andSecretaries; and Treasurer) and generallyther voting members. Additional nonvotinghave been appomted when necessary toparty factions. At8esolution was passed namingdditional nonvoting General Council members to be drawn from tlie party's youth androups, trade unions, and farmers and legislators, in an attempt to infuse new blood into the leadership and to widen its appeal. Most of the persons placed on the council, however, are on the payrolls of the party-controlled businesses, and the Jagans' domination Is thus assured.

The Executive Committee, composed of theparty leadersembers elected by and from the General Council, handles moderatelyparty business and servesorum forumber of special and standingare designed to act In an advisory capacity to the EircutisT Committee. However, of the 9committees, only the International Affairswas functioning cfftictivery inhe real power to make tactical political decisions bto the Jagans, PPP Chairman Itanji Cbandi-Singh, and Treasurer Boysie llarnkarran.

Although the PPP bos maintained offices in New York and Inndon, party activities abroad have not approached PNC leveb, inasmuch as the overseas Cuyanese population is overwhelmingly Negro.the party has divided tlie country intoinkage between tho local

organization, such as the village group, and theparty organization. The village groups send

representatives to serve on the Constituencywhich in turnonstituencyto serve on tlie PPPs National Constituency Committee, The strength of the parly's localdepends in large part on theof overworked and underpaid organizers. In many areas theocal activities have been hamstrung by tbe limited funds provided by theorganization and by the low morale of theThe party's primary functional organizations are the Progressive Youth Organization and tlieProgressive Organization, neither of which has been particularly effective. The party also controls the Cuyana Agricultural Workeis' Union, which is the second largest sugar workers' union and is not affiliated with the Cuyana Trades Union Council. Other PPP concernsublishing house, the New Guyana Publishingewspaper (theand the Cuyana Import-Exporttd.he party's trading arm. This company supplics most of tho party's funds from its trading profits.

Tba radio and much ol the press in Cuyanato rely heavily on Western news sources, but thereumber of publications controlled by the PPP that aro markedommunist bias. Tlie most important of tliese publications, and indeed thechannel for Communist propaganda to Cuyana, is tho htirror. This daily newspaper, which appeals primarily to tho East Indians, receives articles and photographs directly from TASS, but depends almost entirely upon shortwave broadcasts, especially from Havana and Moscow, for information andof current international news. Other propaganda material available at Freedom House, headquarters of the PPP. includes periodicals, pamphlets, and other publications from the Soviet Union, East Germany, Communist China. Hungary. Czechoslovakia,and Cuba, English-language shortwavefrom Moscosv and Havana can be received in Cuyana, but these have very little political impactthe content is not aimed specifically at Guyanese listeners and there are very few shortwave receivers.

The limited effects of Communist propaganda arc more than counterbalanced by Western influences. No films from Communist countries are shownwhile Western films .ire popular wide segments of tho people. The PPPs library Communist and pro-Communist literature is far shadowed by the United States Information lending library, reference and periodical co and motion picture film lending library.

E. Non-Communist subversive grou


The small but growing black powerotential threat to Cuyana's internal curity. The larger and more active Black group, the African Society for Cultural Relations Independent Africaas formed in primarily to emphasize the African heritage of Cuyancsc by developing educational prognuos lated to African history, culture, and These have included providing free educational courses for some of its member* >uid prontotingtniction in Swiihili. ASCRIA'* present is, and it has several thousand timers.ts founder and present Sydney King, who hits taken the African name Eusi Kwayana. has begun to reorient the ergamrav tion toward an aggressive racist stance, with tha avowed goal of dcstioying white Influence in tba, country. Kwayana'* positionovernmentis chairman of the Guyana Marketinggiven him influence within the PNG. Prime Minister Bumham believes it is good potato to have the popular Kwayana in theut only as long as Bumham is able to maintunpper hand Over the leader of the nuhtans. Tbt' Prime Minister does permit his own supporters ia the PNC to participate publicly in Black Power tivities, such as special social evenings and

Another small Black Power group is led byHoratioegro who served as chairman of the PPP forear* until he fell out with Jagan


j Benn and his lew followers, however, areuisance factor and have not developed significant support. Inenn founded the Afro-Asian-American Associationewfront to demonstrate to Jagan that he had an inde-pendent base of support and thusorce to be reckoned with. Benn also registered the National Union of Workers composedew workers in verse trades in Georgetown. (Any groupegally be registeredions are minuscule and serve primarily as political vehicles for Bonn. Inennthe formation of "Cuyana's first Communisto he based upon the Black Power principles of Stokely Carmichael and to be called the Working People's Vanguard Party. This also is an insignificant organization and probably represents an effort by Benn to obtain more funds'

f. Stabilizing (actors

Primp Minister Burnham (Figureas Deen aware from the beginning that ihe maintenance of inlemal stability depends in large measure on the establishment of reasonably harrrvoiuous raceBurnham has sought to conciliate the Eastto present himselfational ratheracial leader, and to promote domestic peace and stability. He hu also sought to demonstrate to the electorate that be is more effective than Jagan in attracting investment and foreign aid and promoting employment Although the relative peace and stability of the last few years have not eliminated tbe racial character of Guyanese politics, much of the suspicion and fear which jagan hadhe Fast Indian community concerning Bumham and his government appear to have been dispelled.

While Burohoms conciliatory policiesen designed toecurrence of the civil strife inspired by the PPP ineriod, thehas also developed the legal and some of the military resources to handle violence. Tbc Police Force and tho Cuyana Defense Force have been given antiriot training, while (he National Security Law of6 gives the government wide power to control explosives, firearms, andIt also provides for the preventive detention and restriction of movements of Individuals thought toanger to public order, but by0 this provision hud not yet Iseen invoked.

A major goal of tbe Bumham administrationspolicies has been to develop the country and to raise the level of living. In the preindependence period, many Cuyanese began to view colonialism as the root cause of all national problems,anacea which wouldew prosperity for all In an atmosphere of racial and ideological tension, and with few loyal and talented men available for government service, it fell to Burnham to seek to satisfy these Inflated expectutions. From the boginning, the administration sought to discourage the unrealistic popularthat the government could immediately solve oil problems or that foreign assistance would obviate the need for sacrifice at home. Instead, tlie government has stressed that independence brought with it greater rcspntonoilities and that there is no substitute for self-help. The Burnham administration, though under no illusions concerning the length of timeto develop the country, quickly took charge and enjoyed some early success. Burnham'stone and pro-Western orientation stimulatedconfidence and helped to attract foreign aid and investment and his success in ending the violence and lowering the level of tension helped to reverse the economic downturn3

Although economic problems had previouslysystematic study and analysis, the Bumham administration,. technical assistance, dreweven Yoar Developmentalling for better utilization of natural resources; increased agricultural and industrial productivity; development of new industries and additional agricultural exports; and construction projects such as sea defenses, dams, private and official housing, schools, hospitals, roads, and facilities for air transport and for storage. Other goals include development of additional coastal farm acreage, provision of hydroelectric power for onaluminum industry, and improved access to ihe Interior. The construction projects are expected lo aid (he campaign to reduce unemployment. Many of these prefects, however, ore not labor-intemisc and con help only modestly.

Policymakers aexorded tbe highest priority toin the development program, with emphasis on expanding sugar prod action and improving rice cultivation and marketing. Other plans includeto reduce dependence on imports olcommodities and to increase oxports to the Caribbean Free Trade Association. Developmentalso relates to mining, especially hauxite and alumina. Some gold and diamond deposits ore abo bring exploited,deological suivey haslhat deposits ol other metals and minerals of commercial value may be present

The government lias devoted much attention to public welfare,arge proportion of recurrent expenditure is budgeted for social services.umber of community development projects which ure run by the government's Department of Welfare and Social ilecuriry. Tbe emphasis Is upon the rural areas, where cottage industries arc rncour-



'* cropland;osture; orested, lOTo water, urban, and wasteimits of territorial. mi.


Population: TVOQOjit for militaiy arrvice

Ethnicastegro and Negro

mhtd.merindian,hite and CauaaaaUndu.uslim,thernglBb

Labor;ining,adnemployed; shurtaast ol technical ind ciiojmb! panoaari OrgvuWf laboregal


PolUiealdministrative diilrk-ti

Typo, Parliamentary, const Itutioual Hierarchy at

tat member within thr Birt-ihot Naaons

Lecal lyMon Baaed on Eoduh tonssnou law with mtiinof Roman-Dutdt law; ha* not aorptrd1CJ (urltdktlon

Branches, Council of Ministers presided over by Prluic Hin.oiciitbrr unicameral legislative National Auemblyupreme Court

Government Wader: Pilar* Mooterureham

Suffrage, UbixttuI over aft 11

Elections; Last held inest3 Pulittcol patties and leader'; People's Progrrailve Partyheddi lagan; People's National Congtesj (TNC).

L.urnharo; United Force.eitdeii Suigh Young%% PNC,

% other CommuDtm. Unknown; top ochelom of PPP and PYO [Pro-

gretslve Youth Organization, militant wmg ol the PPP)

Inclucki many CamnHinl'ti. but tank and fnon-

Gtbcr political or priiauro groupt: justice Party. Guyana United Muslim Party. Guyana All-Indian League. African Society km Cultural IVrlatioDS with latfcpemlrut Afrks. PnpMarre Youth Organization (PPPoung Socialist Movement (PNCuyana United Youth Society (UFfro-AllanAssociation, Consmutce for National fteconstriKtion. Cuyana National Party (CNP)



00 par7 real growth

rate% Aarkulnare: Maloriot, other foodood wheat flour, potatoes, ptoceand meat, dairy products; caloric intake,calories per day per)

Ma|ot Industries. Bauiltc ciUUdr. alumina production, sugar

and rice muling Electricw.atV

hon kw.-hi.w.-ox. per capita8 miDtcin; sugar, rice, bauxite,

alumina, timber, diamonds, ihr Imp9 millionaacoiDery. manisfac-

tum. food, petroleum Trade: to BCavCoananonM (Ouatfrtea, cr-

from non-Coenmuiiltl)romil-

lionillion giants; from5 million Monetary conversionuyana doOan-USIl Fool year: Calendar yeai COMMUNICATIONS | |

i, Mfl ml.S" gage,ol. 3'tV* gage,

single track, none electrifiedi.i. gravel, crushed

Hone, and baarjtri. earth and sand InlandnL; Drmecirm River navigable to

by ocean steajners, others by ferryboats, anull

craft only FreightW31arncipal (tleorgctown)inor CtvJayor transport aircraft pcrrnanral-iurfaco runways;ithcnplana

Highly oVveloped telecom syriem with multistation radio relay network andlan ttopojphreic scatter link toadioM stations


Personnclrn0roundnfantry battaliousith reserve

atrol craftprop)

Supply:cone VS. ccmlpownt Miliury budget; For fiscal year endingillion;% ol total IxiJset

Original document.

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