Russian Leaders in the News
5 Number 9
this issue of VLASTI...
e took at men made prominent by Russia's military incursion into Chechnya, starling with Sergey Koveiev, Yeltsin's Human Rights Commissioner, who quickly became one ot the president's fiercest critics. We then protile Salembek Khattehryev, the Kremlin's candidate lo displace Dzhokar Dudayev as leader of Chechnya. We end with an article that considers the other North Caucasian republic leadersactor affecting whether tho Russian-Chechen conflict wil spread.
Sergey Kovalev: Yeltsin's Albatross
Duma member Sergey Kovalev has been Yel'tsin's personally appointed human rights ombudsmann the first day of the military incursion into Chechnya, Kovalevress interview characterizing the decision as "political treachery" and 'monstrousis continuing criticisms both at home and abroad of Yeltsin over Chechnya constitute, in our judgment, particularly corrosive publicity for the President's administration. In an arena where even reactionaries touto other living Russian politician can touchecord of defending human rights. He was arrested in8 for participatinghort but now legendary demonstration on Red Square against the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia,ecades-long odyssey of repression and resistance.
The details of Kovalevs life come from Russian biographicWestern presswas bom on 2
eandirrate or otologics! sciences degree from Moscow State Unrversity. When he got fired from his research job theree started editing the Chronicle ot Current Events, the most significant samizdat journal of the Soviet era.3 he helped establish the Soviet
'VLAH-stee: the powers that be.
publication waa prepared by Ruaaim Branch, Office ol Leadership Anahfakt. Information available aa5 waa oaed hi Una publication. Convmnta and qperlee are welcome and may be directed to Senior An aty at/Editor, Rumakt Branch, I
4
chapter of Amnesty International.e helped create the Initiative Group for the Defense of Human Rights, along with Academician Andrey Sakharov. In that year Kovalev was tried and convicted for "slandering the Soviet state* and sentencedorced labor camp in Perm' Oblast. There his remonstrations on behalf of his fellow prisoners landed him repeatedly in punishment cells. His weight droppedounds.7 Kovalev was operated on for cancereningrad prison hospital.0 he was transferred from Perm' to the notorious Chistopol' Prison in the Tatar Autonomous Republic. In1 Kovalev began his term of Internal exile in remole Magadan Oblast. His sentence endedeturning to Moscow, Kovalev resumed pressuring the authorities on behalf of the politically repressed.
Ase worked at the Institute of Information Transmission Problems. In March of that year he was one of ihe lew candidateseat in the Russian Congress of People's Deputies (CPD) to win in the first round of balloting. He gained the chairmanship of the legislature's Human Rights Committee three months later by acclamation. eltsin appointed Kovalev chairman of me Human Rights Commission, subordinate to the office ol the presidentember of the CPD tactions "Democratic Russia" and later "Accord forovalev publkHy backed Yeltsin and his governments reforms. He never hesitated to chide Yel'tsin or other political figures, however, whenever they strayed from the constitutional straight and narrow. Inor example, he said that Yeltsin's dissolution of the parliament had transformed speaker Rusian Khasbuiatova maniacrophet" [
In3 Kovalev beat ten other candidateseat in the State Dumaistrict tn Moscow. In the Duma he joined the pro-market "Russia's Choice'
faction, headed by former Acting Premier Yegor Gaydar.
Kovalev's persistence promises to makehorn In Yeltsin's side for as long as the fighting in Chechnya drags on.
Salembek Khadzhiyev: Yel'taln's Democratic Choice
In4 Yeltsin namedofopposition politicians vying tothe Russianto displace the republic'sDzhokar Dudayev, according topress service.
The choice of Khadzhiyev, bomuggests lo us that Yel'tsin still sees some political valueeneer of popular electoral legitimacy and democratic credentials:
independent and pro-democratic Moscow News identified Khadzhiyev as the only Chechen opposition leader "never to havelaim foraving aspired only to ensure free elections in the republic. In an interviewhadzhiyev said he intended to serve as Chechnya's provisional leader until elections coukJ be held six to eighteen months from the time of his accession.
Dmilriyro-democracy Duma deputy, described KhadzhryBv4 interview asar* of democratic convictions."
Khadzhryev's record bears out Volkogonov. For all his prominence during the Soviet era (heeading petrochemical scientist and ultimately USSR Minister of the Petroleum Industry during. Khadzhiyev appears lo have had little sympathy for that period's
institutions and practices.ember of the USSR Congress ol People's Deputies (CPD) and USSR Supreme Soviet, he spoke out in favor of market economics and greater autonomy lor the Soviet Union's and Russian Republic's constituent elements. In0 he was among those CPD deputies voting to eliminate the Communist Party's constitutional political preeminence. The following January he signed an appeal to then USSR President Mikhail Gorbachev calling for an end to military operations against Lithuanian separatists. In1 Khadzhiyev joined the Movement for Democratic Reforms, led by Yel'tsin and other prominent democrats. During the1 coup attempt. Khadzhiyev announced he would resign as Minister before supporting the insurgent Emergency Committee.
Can the Chechen Conflict Spread? The Leadership Dimension
The views ot the leaders of the sixethnic-based republicsembattled Chechnya are onlyaffecting the prospects for widerthe region. Nevertheless, il appears tothe leadership factor militatesrepublics taking up armsor each other. Five of therunning these republics areParty functionanes loyalAll sit on multiethnic powderjudging from their publicDudayev's anti-Russtftnism asexample to many of their
Dzhokar Dudayev recognizes these leaders' enmity. According to an independent and pro-democratic Russianudayevubordinate in the spring3 that he "would very much like to eliminate, including physically, some uncooperative leaders of the Northern Caucasus, pnmarlly the presidents of Adygea and Kabardino-Balkaria "
Most of these leaders have long been wind-sniffing centrists concerned primarily with stability. Whetherolitical style will suffice to maintain peace in their respective republics remains uncertain. However, the ouster of any one of these individuals, in our judgment, would signal that chaos In the region wee starling lo spread.
Dagestan's Magomedallence-Sitter on the Front Unas
A fixture in Dagestan's government since the Soviet era, Magomedali Magomedov. bomhairs both the Supreme Soviet and State Council of the Republic of Dagestan, which abuts the eastern border of Chechnya. On4 Magomedov publicly urged his citizens to 'abstain from any actions that may destabilize the regionalenouncing specifically the seizure of Rus^ ,ir Postages by ethnic Chechens n
Dagestan, with overifferent nationalities, is one of Russia's most ethnically complex republics. Probably because he has coped with this challenge throughout his politicaloncern for avoiding confrontation has long been Magomedov's political style.
made no clear public choice during the1 coup attempt, according to the Russian
the Ninth Congress of People's Deputies (CPD) in3 Magomedov declined to vote one way or the other onfey issues dividing conservatives from reformers, according to data compiledrivate Moscow think tank The trunk tank also rated the ideological and political onentahon ot each People's Deputycale ol
I1 being the mostt buried Magomedov in category 5.
the high anti-Yeltsin sentiment reported by the Russian press in his republic. Magomedov voted against all CPD proposals23 to consider YelTsin's impeachment.
early4 Magomedov officially proclaimed Dagestan's neutrality in all "tnterelhnic conflicts and other controversial Issues throughout the North Caucasus."
Russians make up only nine percent of Dagestan's population. Magomedov, an ethnic Dargin, has publicly advocated keeping the republic within the Russian Federation.
eformist newspaper described him asigure striving for caution and compromise even more than yesterday's republic leaders from the [Communist! Party obkom foblast committee],"
Ingushetia's Rustanar Hero Preaches Peace
A tetegerac Afghan War hero and former major general In the Soviet army, Ruilan Aushev has beer president of the Republic of Ingushetia sincen his pubec remarks Aushevethnic Ingush bom incontmuaty reaffirms his repubfcc's ategtance to Russia and hit own commitment to constitutional government Aushev opposed the leading political rote of the Soviet Communist Party and today he appears cynical about the array offrom democrats tohas come along since:
a USSR People's Deputy inushev voted to abolish the constitutional political preeminence of the Communist Party.
the3
legislaijve elections, Aushev
that he had voted for none of the party lists, according to the Russian press. '
Aushev professes an aversion to violence and has sought to defuse several politicaloth Moscow and the North Caucasus
put*cry welcomed me Russians' eiwrcesswn when Ingush irredentists attacked neighboring North Ossetia inRussian troops intervened repulsed the Ingush attackers, anduffer zone separating the two republics.)
the faceoff in3 between Yel'tsin and the Russian parbamenl. Aushev entered the besieged parliament building and persuaded then speaker Ruslan Khasbutalov and then Vice President Aleksandr Rutskoy to surrender Aushev publicly blamed them both later for the bloodshed and suggested that Rutskoy commit suicide.
the first days following Russia's incursion mlo Chechnya. Aushev met wtlh Premier Viktor Chernomyrrjn and offered to mediate between the Russian government and Drhokarwedish newspaper put Aushev's peacemaking effortsar with those of Sergey Kovalev (see above).
then, Aushevprotested against what'provocations* byIn his tiny republic andYel'tsin forin Chechnya, butIngush citizens to keepstay neutral.
Aushev might enjoy sufficient popularityontain Ingush hotheads eager to help Dudayev. The Ingush leaderontested race for one of the republic's two seats in the Federation Council in3 and gained reelection as president ineceiving overercent of the votes in each race.
North Ossetia's Akhsarbek Galazov: The Perennial Apparatchik
North Ossetian President Akhsarbek Qalazov. bomublicly backs Yel'tsiYs efforts In Chechnyaoyalty typifying Communist Party functionaries, which Galazov once was. On5 he characterized as 'blasphemy' the desire of "some political figures and People's Deputies [sic] to torpedo efforts by the authorities to disarm gangs in Chechnya, thus making political capital on the back of rhisalazov also has repeatedly emphasized the inseparability of the North Caucasus and Russia.
Galazov is not one for bold moves or swift accommodation to political change.
the Russian Congress of People's Deputies, he voted in0 to maintain the Communist Party's political supremacy in Russia.
ussian press biography. Galazov In1el'tsin-tnspired ridereferendum on the USSR that would have allowed North Ossetian citizens to vote also on Russian sovereignty.
ccording to the same source. Galazov campaigned furiously against Yel'tsin In the Russian presidential election
the1 coup attempt, again according to the Russian press. Galazovympathetic position regarding the putsch rsts."
Osseila carried its Communist-era name of North Ossetian Soviet Socialist Republic untilears after other Russian localities had updated their names.
his public remarks Galazov today laments the loss of the USSR as underlying all the ethnic turmoil tormenting Russia and the rest of the former Soviet Union.
Galazov has never shaken the apparatchik's habit of often hedging his bets.
refused to join any (action in ihe CPD.
declined to vote when the question ol Yeltsin's tenure arose in the CPD in
was publicly noncommittal dunng Yeltsin's lace-off against the Russian parliament In
Kabardino-Balkaria's Valeriyalancing Act
Valeriyabardin borns another former CPSU apparatchik trying to contain potential unrest in an ethnically
fractious province* He started work as an agricultural specialist and served1overnment and Communist Party apparatchik in Kaon rdlno- Balk aria ultimately as his republic's party boss. As republic president he must cope wtth dmsfve Kabardtns. restive BsJkars. and popular anti-Russian Muslim radicals based in hat repubsc. In4 the Kabard president, along wtth other North Caucasian leaders (save Maoorneoov andigned an appeal to Yeroan rJemsrKtng thai he Take all possible measures to introduce constitutional order* In Chechnya. To placate his chagrined constituents Kokov promised in mid-December that ha government would hold an emergency session andesolution condemning "Russians ot earlyhe resolution had not been issued. |
Speaking out of both sides ot his mouth has helped Kokov weather Communism's collapse He publicly claims that he voted in the3 Russian legislative elections tor the party of Sergey Shakhnry.native of the republic who advocated greater regional autonomy. When making this announcement Kokov said he also sympathized with thehoice Party (which ishe Agrarian Party (pn>nd Ihe Women of Russia Partyuggesting toubic relations effort to span as much of the political and demographic spectrum as he credibly could.
Kokov's political style is to test the winds before acting. He has publicly resisted economic reforms, because-
|he wants lo see how suchy out in other regions before tryingis own At the Neith CPD in3 he avoided voong onfssuesrivate Moscow think tank used to plot the political and ideological orientation ot each deputy: on the think tank's scaleookov fell into category 5.
Karachevo-Cnerkessia's Vladmir Khubiyev:owder Keg?
Ot these six republics, Vladimir Khubiyev's Karachayevo-Cherkessia may be the most unstable. After the republic declared its independence from neighboring Stavropol' Kray inarachay and Chorkessian congresses each began lobbying tor their own separate republics, white local Russian Cossacks sought to return to Stavropol' kray. Karachayevo-Cherkessia, moreover, has the largest number of constituent nationalities in the North Caucasus and is the only one where Russiansajority. Khubiyev also spars frequently with the republic's parliament, led by an ethnic Russian, Viktor Saveiyev. Inhen Minister ot Nationalities Sergey Shakhrayussian press interviewer that the situation in Karachayevo-Cherkessia was "ar more dangerous" than mat in Chechnya with Russian Cossacks and Karachay claiming the sameash between the two, Shakhray feared, would draw in all Russia and the rest of the North Caucasus.
Western and Russian observers alike note that Khubiyev's fate and thai of his republic are closely intertwsved. Khubiyev, an ethnic Karachay bomreviously headed the Soviet-era government in Karachayevo-Cherkessiand spent the bulk of his careerPSU apperatchk there He publicly argues thai spitting his republic or removing tt from Russia would provoke strt more inter-ethnic strife and economic deteftoratton. To help cool the situation, heeferendum in2 In which the population voted in favoringle Karechayevo-Cherkessk republic (even though levels of suppon differed sharply among the republic's constituent ethnic groups, according to the Russianince then Khubiyev has ensured that me multiethnic population ol his republic is represented In republic government structuresroportionality
observed In no other North Caucasian republic, according to another Russian press
account.
Khubtyev's political historytyle differing little trom those of other former apparatchiks heading North Caucasian republics.SSR People's Deputy. he voted to protect the CommunistonsWubonsJ polrbcal preeminence While he voted generally pro-marketongress session int the Ninth3 he voted lo discuss YeTtsin's rnpeectvnenL He also declined to vote onfssuesrivate Moscow think tank used to rank deputies' poetical and kjeological orientation. On the think tanks nine-point scale dividing the political spectrum. Khublyev wound up in category s. Khublyev had been among those urging greater cooperation between Russian parliament speaker Ruslan Khasbulatov and Yel'tsin Inut tho republic leader made no comments in the central Russian press during the3 crisis.)
Aoygea's Asian Dzharimov: Un reconstructed Communist
Of the seven North Caucasian republic leaders. Asian Dzharimov, an ethnic Adygey bomas the deepest roots in the old Communist Party (CPSU) establishment. He was educated et an agricultural Institute and later at the Academy of Social Sciences attached to the CPSU Central Committee. He performed full-time party work in his regionSe has managed to keep his republic one of the calmest In the North Caucasus. In his
interviews and press articles he swears
Adygea's eternal union wtth Russia.
swipe at Yel'tsin's methods, asserting that "had the meetings of the Security Council been attended by regional representatives, the decisions It had adopted on the Chechen Republic would have been different."
Dzharimov has never occupied the vanguard of political o' economic reform during his career
a USSReputy he voted in0 to preserve the CPSU's constitutional political preeminence.
sat in theSFSR Communist Party Centralcollection of mostly anti-pe re stray ka holdouts.
e publicly praised the October Revolution7 for having preserved the Adygey people. He extolled the republic's gains under Communism.
2 he told Pravda that his republic had no plans lo press for the privatization of local agriculture. I
Adygey president was among the North Caucasian republic Naders who signed an appeal to Yel'tsin in4 to take measures to restore order in Chechnya. However, in late December Dzharimov took a
Original document.
Comment about this article, ask questions, or add new information about this topic: