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Pakistan: The Ethnic Equationfjp
Pakistanynthetic country, an amalgam of ethnic groups with differing social structures from two dissimilar culture worlds. The struggle toation-state with common goals from these disparate elements hasuccession of administrations in Pakistan.
A dichotomy offundamentalism and ethnicstrongly influences tbe direction of political development in Pakistan. Belief in the community of Islam was the bonding element in the formation of the Islamic State of Pakistan at Partitionnd continues toey unifying influence. At the same time, appeals to parochial ethnic interests lead to agitation for provincial autonomy and separatism. 0p
The fragility of relationships among the four major ethnicPunjabis, the Sindtus, the Baluchis, and thea continuing threat to the political stability of the country. Resentment of the politically dominant Punjabis is widespread among the other ethnic groups andaramount factor among the many strains and tensions that permeate Pakistani society. Currently, the most disaffected ethnic group is the restive, belligerent Baluchis.
Islamay of life that encompasses not only religion but also politics, culture, and economics. Tbe appeal of the Islamic way of life in Pakistan includes hope for economic betterment, within the Islamic model of development, along with pride through identification with the newfound power and prestige of Muslim oil-producing
Pakistan has an uncertain future, and the overriding problem confronting the leadership is still one of how to survive surrounded by strong and unfriendly neighbors, notably the USSR and India. Political association with the Islamic Persian Gulfthe growing economic promise thisthe most likely direction that PakistanfB
Should the expectations inherent in an Islamic association fail, however, then Pakistan could turn elsewhere. Although the shock of the Russian invasion of Afghanistan resultedemporary anti-Soviet-focused unity, the longer range threat posed by Moscow on Pakistan's northern borders could lead to some form of accommodation with the Soviet Union. Another possibility is that Pakistan will renew its efforts to improve relationships and possibly reestablish regional ties with India. And finally there is the chance that an intensification of ethnic nationalism could lead to political fragmentationrecedent establishedecade ago when the Bengalis of East Pakistan opted for an independent Bangladesh despite their Islamic religious ties with Pakistan.^^
Co
Pakistan: The Elhnic Equation j
Pakistan bas never been an ethnically united country. From iu inception at Partitionsuccession of administrations have struggled toation-itate with common coals out ofcoalition of disparate ethnic groups whose primary bonds were their belief in Islam and their reluctance to become minoritiesindu-dominated India. More than three decades later, unresolved conflicts among the Punjabis, Sindhis,nd Pushtuns remain. One of tbe most troublesome of these ethnicthe Punjabis andbloodily ended with the creation of Bangladesh|
National cohesion still is an elusive goal. Progress bas been stow and baiting in integrating the tribal societies of the Baluchistan and North-West Frontier Provinces wiih the rest of the country Moreover, resentment of the politically dominant Punjabis by all of (be other ethnic eroups has heightened political unrest in the country, (c)
Islamic fundamentalism (an orthodox approach to the Islamic way of life) and ethnic parochialism are strong, countervailing forces in Pakistani society. Membership in the Islamic community and defense of Islam, especially when threatened by powerful non-Muslim groups such as Hindus and atheistic Communists, continue to be unifying influences. At the same time, appeals to narrow ethntc interests lead to agitation for provincial autonomy and separatism; deep-seated, regionally based, ethnic tensions and rivalries underlie much of what ails the body politic.
Ethnicity in Pakistan
Pakistan is an amalgam of two culture worlds ihat meet along the Indus River. The river, whose waters are tbe economic lifeblood of Pakistan,ajor border in the historical conflict that separates nomad from farmer and billman fromhort distance west of the river an escarpment rises, clearly and physically marking tbe border of tbe mountainous, basin-range landscape that stretches into the Middle East. Within thu vast territoryariety of
culturally related, tribally organized societies with traditions of nomadism. The Baluchi* and Pashtuosart of this culture world. The alluvial plains of the Indus and the lands io the east ate the homelands of the Punjabis and Sindhis. who are culturally allied with the sedentary peoples of tbe Indian subcontinent. The structures and cultural traditions of these peoples are significantly different from those of ihc tribal societies to the west While these two culture worlds do interact oa an economic level, they are not mutually interdependent.
The provinces of Pakistan are divided generally along ethnic lines, allotting each major ethnicore area. Provincial boundaries, however, have been drawn SO as to include significantly large ethnic minorities within each jurisdiction. Additionally, all but the Sindhis are ethnically part of groups that span Pakistan's international borders: the Puihtuns with Pushtuns in Afghanistan, the Baluchi* with fellow tribesmen in Iran and Afghanistan, and the Punjabis withreligiouslyinEach ethnic group has iu own literary tradition and language. Although Urdu is the national language, it is not the mother loegue of any of the groups; English is widely spoken among tbe educated and is ihe second language in government andfh
Punjabis are the dominant group in Pakistan, owing to their superiority in numbers and their higher level oftbey prevail amongthe professions, and the higher echcions of the business community. Each of ihe other ethnicSindhis. the Baluchis,flnd thebelieve they have just cause for their feelings of discrimination at the hands of the Punjabis. All have harbored thoughts of autonomy, even independence.
The brief history of Pakistan provides clues to the relationship between ethnic divisrveness and what is often termed the "bond ofhe bloody attempt of the Punjabi-dominated Pakistani Army lo subjugate
Bengali-populated hail Pakistan nine jcars ago
(radioed thai cliche when ethnic factorsM-Jw
stronger (ban religiouslthough (he
separation had tome bearing, the Bengali- Punjabi
rinea raise questions as lo ihe fragility of - ,
pMJ.bb SifldhU ucfaU_^Pwl;ta
i among the four remaining ethnic groups id their importance in assessing the Ana of political stability in PakiilanaVH
2
todla
KtOL
Pncent
Panjabiu The Punjabis are an aggressive, martial, and industrious people whose dominant fbk lain part related to the loca'ion of their fertile homeland astride .major tributaries oT the Indus. The Punjab has been inhabited^andmorey Greeks,Moguls, Afghani, and nuny other diverse
M ' .
peoples who crowd the Hindu Kush passes boundhe plains of India. Many came as conquerors, tomeimple travelers; all contributed to aproud heritage for
ihe rrr'er.icl Punjabisfl|B
Slmlbi Baluchi Pmhtuorotal eaUB-iad population of Pakoun a'-"1
of the confronUlioo between India and Pakistan over the pastears has originated among Punjabis. Punjabisixed rcligioui
The legacy of Partition had other effects that deepen the intensity of distrust between India and Pakoun. A. assive flight of religious refugees at that.time r jg^ Utcrallydepopulatcd the Indian portiooof thef its Muslim population; equally. poHtndush-remained in the Pakistani Punjao^J
. one-half ij Muslim, lbe remainder is Hindi or Sikh.Underlying the disagreements between the twois the bitterness generated by religiousMuslim/Hmdu as well as Sikh/Muslim and Sikh/
Hindu) and inlra-ethnic rivalry among theseroups. At the time of the dissototioB of British3 years ago, the Muslim Punjabi leaders and
fearing discrimination in an over-
Muslim Punjabi society has been modified through its long association with the Hindu caste lyslem; the resultocial structure based on class groupings that runs counter to the egalitarian preccpta of Islam. Consequenlly.Muslim Punjabi society exhibits little vertical social movement from the large peasantry underclass up through the hereditary village artisan segment to the landed upper class. An exception has been the enhanced standing of the small middlehich fiJicd the voW created throughout Pakistan by the departure of the Hindu and the Such business communities; thusattern forxaTOTiic and bureaucratic dominance in the new jj
. whclmingly Hindu India, strongly supported theeptan-Islamic state. Thus, at Partition,unjab was divided roughly into two parts: the western
half became the province of the Punjab innd the eastern half the stale or Punjab in India. At a
later date.the Indian Punjab was again divided to
provideseparateblester the Sikhs in Punjaband the Hindus in
, Proud.)
aba.boU mat falih effion la Pakuiaa, wf ra rthxuat to lc pahikal tmtrd afm awa itata Remain at dicta lad bj raoiaational cfrctloa. I. lortkti arretani. Punjabi! believelthosah aOia thr Xoraa.iow(Puajaba)awra aaaa! (aaa otbsn. Thai friction Sf-ran Paajabbeoaal* atsribok roody th< ooniunilnaatvtaaaajaba aad Smalb WMt lit hia coarifabaaaUvia. tba jamfialxn f<uV-Pitfliabi la the Paajab aad HLn-su in.
Con raen rial
view Sindhis with condesccniion. and Pushtuns and Baluchis at crude barbarians incapable of self-rule. Tbey resent the large subsidies needed to bolster the economies of the Baluchi and Pushtun tribal areas. The additional costs of providing for the Afghanthe frontier zones can only increase this reser.tmenL Punjabis arc also apprehensive about the overwhelming mandate given Indira Gandhi in India inhe Punjabi countryside and cities bore the brunt of the military actions between India and Pakistan5f another confronution were to occur between the two powers, the Punjabis fear thePunjab would be absorbed by India. There has been little evidence of interest in Pakistan forof the two Punjabs. in contrast to tbe periodic callsnited Pushtunistan and for the creationreater Baluchistan. O
Sindhis. Not an aggressive people, the Sindhis chafe under an inferiority complex. They resent Punjabi assumption of superiority, the presence of Punjabi administrators in the Siod. and Punjabi influence in Sindhi affairs. The resentment spills over into the economic arena. Much of the economic welfare of the Sind and Sindhis depends on irrigation, primarily on water from the Indus. As tbe tower npariar. provinceis the Punjab, the quantity and quality of the Sind water is hostage to Punjabi actions. The Sindhis arc particularly concerned about the growingof salts in the Indus carried downstream from soil-flushing operations in the Punjab and the rising amount of industrial effluents in the river. Quantity isorry in dry years when not only is the total flow of the river reduced but abo tbe amount released into the irrigation system, which is controlled by dams and barrages in the Punjab.
Sindhi ethnic rivalries extend beyond those generated by the Punjabis and include problems created by an influx of Muslim refugees from India and emigres from Bangladesh, principally to the cities. The Sindpercent urban, and tbe larger cities, particularly Karachi, Hyderabad, and Sukkur. have non-Sindhi majorities.
Much of the urban tension in the Sind relates to tbe structure of Sindhi society. Sindhi society is rural oriented: political and social power in the province
residesonservative landed aristocracy {wadtra or lamindararge underclass of tenant farmers and village artisans. Mullahs and plrs (saints or Muslim holyho are representatives of the strong Sufi' influence in the Islamic community, abo frequently attain considerable local political power. This feudal, rural-based social organization hasdevelopmenttrong, Sindhi urban class.
Tensions between Sindhis and tbe newcomerserupt in confrontations, occasionally in riots and violence. Members of the Urdu-speaking, aon-Sindhi groups are largely belter qualified than local Sindhis in the professions, as skilled technicians, andery competitive job market. In addition, the Sindhi landowner-politicians often view the Urdu-speaking, urban commercial elements as predatory middlemen and business rivals in sugar and rice commodities and in the textile industry. In spite of these tensions, Sindhi atdtudes toward Indians arc less stridently hostile than those between Punjabis and Indians.
Some tension also exists in the rural areas of the Sind between Sindhis andillion or more Baluchis live in tbe province. Many arc seasonal workers in agricultural areas: some are migrant herders from the hills of Baluchistan who have permission to graze their flocks in post-harvest fields in return for their help at harvesitime. Ill will between Sindhis and Baluchis has erupted periodically over allocation of settlement rights oa newly developed tracts of irrigated land west of the Indus in the vicinity of Jacob*bad in the Sind and as far as Sibi in Baluchistan. Moreover, the extension of irrigated land in these areas is gradually restricting tbe traditional winter grazing lands of the Baluch: nomads in the region
Baluchis. Ethnic nationalism is particularly strong among the Baluchis. Tbey resent the dominance of Punjabis in all aspects of provincial administration anc the meager allocation of national development funds to projects in Baluchistan. The massive presence of (he largely Punjabi Pakistani Army in Baluchistanonstant reminder that it is in fact an army of
1 SufUm- Mmlim mysiiciMn. ihe itbid* far Muilun popular culture. fJJJi
economic plight, the search of university-educated
Baluchis have more in common with Pushiuns thnn either group has with Sindhis or Punjabis. cv-nthongh '" considerabk rivalry exists between the two groups inBaluchUun, More than one-third of the population of the province is Pushtun. concentrated In the ragion
Both the Baluchi and tbees are Iribatly organized, although the pattcrcs of authority ate different. The Baluchi system ts autocratic: tribesmenowe their allegiance to an all-powerful iribnl leader, a
youth for new political directions, and the tensions generated by the influx, of Afghan refugeeserds onto loci! grazing UndsflHB
The Baluchis" search for support in the struggle against Pakistanithe Baluchis equate to Punjabiincluded dalliance on the part of some influential tribal leaders with Marxist 'M philosophy andillingness to acceptsupport from the Soviet Union, Thesenclude members of Baluchi groups such as the Baluchi .
dwsibw. ^Student Organization and the Baluchi^
zamindar. who in turn dispenses justice andront. Certainly, as an ethnic group the restive, to the tribesmen. In theoyally and complianceelligerent Baluchis are vulnerable to appeals to ethnic
all'Baluchi tribesmen could easily be effected throughnationausmAM
subsidies to these tribal
- code In tribaj territory.which would effectively abro- ignificant minority in the Pakistanimocfc of then* power. Another wesliaunte factor armed forces, one of the strongest PakisUniIhe lamfntfanls the growing opposition to the
^tradi'.icna! tribal lyitcm within Baluchi society
tparticuUrly among tlws young and those who standn contrast to "the Baluchb' concentrationew suius in widerPakistanl associations% Intribal chief, Pushiun tribal structure stressesEvery tribesmanoice <ri the/irpj.
the meeting called tooursein' Baluchis are organizedrge number of iribal c. responsepecific tribal problem. Althoughroups of varying size. The largest and mostratk, the system can also be anarchistic
tribes are concentrated in the hill lands aroundribal customs that breed duaenstom arising from*most of tha rest ofhinly populated.lood reads and internecine squabbles, the probabilitythb reason and because of lie strategic locationof (he 'city astride the principal route from soulhern Afghani- *sun to the Indus valley, any subversiveakistan would most likdy occurthnic naiionaliim among the Pushtuns emerges often on Ihc issue of Puihtunulan (the homeland of the*}
'^Pmikimms.nartial groupcfhe feudal Baluchi system ia resistant to change fronttooaely associated by language and common social within or without and does not easily adapt to the customs, inhabit the borderlands In ihc North-Westmodern institutioiis. The ramf-idar* Fro-ilkf Province. They areaggressive as the are especially opposedbis, but are far outnumbered by them in any
faction on any subject is significantjyu^
litecHribal
h,b|nieit for boliiical power; Pushtunsf
vhe Arghan-Pakisiani border, knownThe atmosphere in Quetu exemplifieshe ^
swirl all the politics and Intrigue oflrea,y . v
and represented at the time the outer limits of British control rather than the ethnic or tribal settlement patterns. Consequently, the issue ofreunited Pushtun tribalin both Pakistani and Afghan politics.
In Pakistan, Pusbtunistan has been promoted most vigorously in the past by thelargest of the northern Pushtuna means for procuring provincial autonomy within Pakistan. In Afghanistan, iiredentist aspirations for Pushlunistaa haveegular part of the political rhetoric, whetheror Communist. Undoubtedly, there is some appeal among the tribesmeneturn to the legendary days of glory when tbe Pushtuns were the undisputed lords of the region. Thus. Pushtun political strength in Pakistan is derived from periodic threats to unite with their Afghanotent issue that limits Pakistani initiatives with Afghanistan.
The Afghan-Pakistani border cuu throughdensely populated tribal areas and acrosspatterns of trade and movement. The border has always been ignored or used by the Pushtun tribes as it suited (heir interests. Within the last year, Large numbers of Afghan Pushtuns have crossed intousing ihe frontier roneanctuary from unsettled political conditions in Afghanistan or for reequipmenl operations in support of resistance efforU against the Communist regimc|^H
The Pakisuni Government cannot effectively prevent tbe influx of refugees, nor the movement of small groups back into Afghanistan. Although Pakistani military forces control the principal passes, the major towns, and the areas adjacent to military installations, they have never exercised authority eJsewbere in tribal territory. The mountainous terrain crisscrossed by numerous remote, leu frequently used passesabsolute border control. Most of these routes, used by local tribesmen and smugglers, are not accessible to vehicles and therefore cannot be easily monitored on the ground; nor is helicopter monitoringeasible alternative because of difficult operating conditions.
The presence offghan refugees,those who brought flocksnimals,ew and highly volatile factor for producing local tensions in the borderland regions. Population pressure oo cultivable land,areas, and water resources in tbe arid frontier areas is already high. It bas been alleviated in recent yean only by out-migration of males seeking temporary or seasonal work on the plains or in the Persian Gulf
countries. fB
Although the Pakistani Pushtuns are susceptible to appeals based on ethnic nationalism, the insurgency inmanyar between tbe Pushtuns and theseverely limit Seme! ability to influence them. In fact, given the Pushtuns' tradition of vengeance and their ability to keep animosities alive, it may be decades before resentment over the Soviet invasion dies. Some dislike of tbe British still survives for actsentury .
Islam: Unity Lb Diversity
Religion is the unifying factor in Pakistan. Pride in Islamic heritage and civilization reinforces the reasons for Ihe existence of the state, and religious faith serves as Ibe principal emotional bulwark against thepowerful, traditionally perceived enemy, Hindu India.
Pakistan ispercent Muslim. Theercent reflet is small mi nor. ties of Christians, Hindus. Parsls, and other groups, almost all io urbanbout three-fourths of tbe Muslims are Sunnis. predominantly of the Hanafi school, including almost all of the tribal population of tbe Baluchistan, and North-West Frontier Provinces. The remaining one-fourth of tbe Islamic community is made up of Shiites, some Ishma'ius (followers of ihe Agand tbemall aberrant scct.^B
Tbe strong tide of Islamic fundamentalism in Pakistan parallels the revival of traditional Islamic valves in other Muslim societies in Southwest Asia. The turning inwnrd of the Islamic community toward an orthodox organization, with iu all-encompassing moral, legal, and economic precepts,etreat from the
1 u, In Pakistan reclifioua. not ethnic.
'i Jcrowdcd world during the Golden Age ofthe Pakistan population asa
* Seeking allies^ Muslim Pakistanis look westward wthe new Islamic society advocated by the
i find reassurance In the economic power and prestigeand General Zia-ul-Haq may be on the
for association with idealism of the Ko'a
the newly prosDcrou* Muslim countricsof thewith concern fotJMic's livelihood
. East;fewPakistanislookeasiwardfor c
heillion Muslim: in IndiaM
jiWy->A' The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan bas created new
. clcavagesexisl within the Islamic community.schisms between the Sunnis and the Shiitcs arc .weakening efforts toocietyIslanv-in Pakistan based on orthodox Islamicies. The two groups differ in application of important aspects of the thario (Islamic legalspecially those principles affecting taxation, the dispensation of justice, and the role of religious leaders in the government
1In spitetrona'Wigious fervor in Pakistan,Wems for Pakistan, threatening to deepen 1
the regional, cultural.and ethnic rivalries thatthepolitical system sinceThe question now is: Wil! traditional Islamic to Communism prove sulTicicntly strongbitter ethnic rivalries, or wOmkistan oncefragment along ethnic linesrj^B - - ..
totbe vision of an islamic waypf lifc_isonceptutf secitty eonsisiine of individuals^
Outlook: New Directions? The Pakistani search for security and economic progress most likely will continue to emphasize Islamic associations; particularly in view of the newfO^'aMM^nMmt Easthese associations prove inadequate, however, Ibe discontented among the ethnic groups may turn ia
motivated by high principles rather than material self- these associations prove inadequate, howcvcr.'tbe ;Interest- Tbe ideal withers hi practice. The political discontented arnoag the ethnic groups may turn la
, status of the Ahmadiyas illustrate* the preoccopaiwe other directions. Despite the initial Shockwavesthe SovietAfghanistan, there are
economic hiiscTcould be vulnerable totbe.
undishmenlsof Moscow. Andeep ond eif-contained community not unlike the ubidlng fear and mistrust remain.nited Stales, the Ahmadiyas amuse' ably could seek to renew tie* with Indiaoalrgeighbors.sernc type of retioeal security relation
Soviet-directed administration could haveanspecially among the young. Disillusionment with the lack of economic progress in Pakistan and dissarb-factiot. with the maldistribution of wealth between the developed and underdeveloped countries of tbe worldffiflfclyji are widespread. The youth of Pakistan in all ethnic _ 'V '. groups arc searchingetter life through change in xisting institutions. Muchof theappealofthe Islamic- ay of life among them includes the hope for pregreei.
' "Successfully copedh century pressures epito- in economic development along with pride inT^-mbw! by the high population growth rate "and the " ation with the new power and prestige of the
heresy, that Ahmadiyasubsequent" heSoviet presence acrou the border inophet to Muhammed as theapiriiual leader.of; is the new unknown that will complicate Pakistan's.vJ,.community. Fn'ction between tbe Ahmadiyas'aitd uture political orientation. Any sigru erf material'Islamic fundarnenulist grMpSv whkh is especial!) rogressetter life for Afghans iharpin the Punjab, generated passage3 eonstitnticmal amendment. den>ing the Ahmadiyas .. status as Muslims in Pakistan,nother level.religion tinged with pragmatism is typical ofihestnen in the borderlands, where lihad (holyagainst infidels) combinesith mCTCetury aspects bordcriag on baodilrylj-
iu,
oP.-produciog countries. Although Pakistanis Benafg^^'i,^
^crowding in the countryside, the fragmentationandholdings decreed by islamic law* on heredity, the
.>lo government inor
_ ara beginning lo accept (he Soviet occupation of Afghanistanomplex mix of feelings ranging from anxiety to apathy, therereoccupation with the longer term prospects of Sovietd separatism in
Tbe deep-seated regional and ethnic divisions within Pakistan will continue tohreat to hkistan's fragile political subility. When testedecade ago by divisiveness between Punjabis and Bengalis, the religious bond proved to be weaker than tbe force of ethnic nationalism. If religious ties among theloosen, ethnic and cultural factors could again emerge tbe stronger, tearing asunder the "bond of
Islam" and once again fragmenting the state of
Pakistan.
Original document.
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