THE CRISIS IN TRIESTE AND VENEZIA GIULIA

Created: 6/1/1945

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THE CRISIS IN TRIESTE AND VENEZIA GIULIA

During the past month serious tension has developed between the Provisional Yugoslav Government and the Western Alliesesult of Yugoslav refusal to recognize the authority ot Allied Militaryin the disputed border area of Venezla Olulia. which wasy Yugoslav Partisan forcea. The USSR has taken no official stand on the problem. However, the fact that Tito'spril enunciation ofclaims to Trieste and Venezla Olulia was Issued In Moscow has been interpreted In some quarters to Indicate at least tacit Soviet support. Anglo-American statements have emphasized that the Venezla Oiulla issue must be resolved in conformity with the principle of settlingdisputes by peaceful negotiation rather than by unilateral action. Pointing out that Venezla Glulla Is part of the territory surrendered to the Western Allies by the Italian armistice and citing previousbetween Partisan and Allied military authorities, Anglo-American authorities requested that Partisan units In Venezla Olulia be withdrawn or placed under Marshal Alexander, Supreme Allied Commander in the Mediterranean Theater. The Italian Government, suggesting eventual compromise on the division of Venezla Glulla. requested the Allies to occupy the area in accordance with the armistice termseneral peace conference. The British and United 8tates Governments have given no Indication of altering their demands, and byay there were indications that Yugoslav authorities may be prepared to

Venezlaart of the former Italia irredenta, is an area of mixed population which, because of its strategic position between Italy and southeastern Europe, has been forubject ofconflict Trieste itself, with an eighty percent Italian population. Is not only the most Important port on the Adriatic butrime outlet for the trade from southeastern and south central Europe. While the other cities of Venezla Glulla also are predominantly Italian, theof the hinterland is largely Slovene. The majority of the population Is Italian In the western and Slovene in the eastern part of the disputed territory.

Italian aspirations to "redeem" Venesla Olulia go back to Italy's nineteenth-century struggle to achieve political unity and "natural" frontiers. The disappointment of Italian irredentists at their failure to obtain Venezla Giulla from Austria In the treaty6 was exacerbatedoluminous literature which appeared during the following years claiming for Italy not only Venezla Giulia but the southern Tyrol and the entire Dalmatian coast. The importance that Irredentlsm assumed in Italian minds may be Judged from the fact that during World War I

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Italy broke away from the Triple Alliance (with Germany and Austria-Hungary) and entered the war on the side of the Allies largely because tho secret Pact of) promised her various territorial gains, Including Venezla Olulia.

At the Versailles Conference the United States, which had notarty to the Pact of London, opposed some of the more extreme Italian claims andew Italo-Yugoslav border known as the Wilson line. This line, which approximated the division between Italian and Slovene majority areas, ran roughly parallel to the east coast of the Istrian peninsulaistance of six to ten miles Inland, and thence north to the present Italo-Austrian border, leaving the cities of Trieste and Oorizla in Italian territory. The Wilson line, however, was never adopted, and the border, as finally determined by directbetween Italy and Yugoslavia at Kapalloave Trieste and all of the Istrian peninsula to Italy. The port of Flume, which lay directly on the new border, was established as an Independent city. Two years later, however, the Flume government was overthrownascist coup, and the city was subsequently annexed to Italy. Theof Flume and Fascist maltreatment of the Slovene population of Venezla Olulia, which had been promised cultural autonomy, gave rise to an Intense Slovene trredentlsm.

During Worldfficial Yugoslav spokesmen have repeatedly and emphatically announced their Intention of annexing all of Venezla Olulia as far as the Isonzo River, Including Trieste and Gorizia. In advancing their claims the Partisans have frequently Implied that they have Soviet support. Tacit Soviet approval may indeed have beenby the publicity which the Moscow press and radio accorded to the statement of Marshal Tito, made during hut visit to Moscow last April, that "the population of Trieste and Venezia Olulia wishes toto the new Yugoslavia and we [the Partisans] are certain that this desire will be achieved."

The Italian Government, on the other hand, has advocated apossibly on the basis of the Wilson line, but in any case one which would leave Trieste In Italy. The Trieste question Is regarded In Italy as the most important single problem of Italian foreign affairs. With the exception of the Communists and,esser degree, theall Italian political parties have been vehement in their support of Italian claims. Early this year Italian authorities, anticipating the arrval of Yugoslav forces In Venezla Giulia before those of the Western Allies, and fearing that the Yugoslavs might annex the area outright or create conditions which wouldair plebiscite impossible,that the disputed area be occupied by Anglo-American troops until the conclusion of the final peace

The official position of the British and United States Governments has been that all territorial disputes should await the general solution of border problems at the peace conference, pending which Venezla

Qiulia Is legally under the control of the Western Allies as part of tbe territory surrendered to them under the terms of the Italian armistice.

In order to reduce the possibility of misunderstanding with the Yugoslav Partisans, the question of occupation was discussed byAlexander and Marshal Tito in4 and again at Belgrade InS. At the latter conference Alexander pointed out that when the Allies occupied Austria it would be necessary for purposes of supply for them to control the port of Trieste as well aslines from that city to the north. Tito agreed to support the4 decision of the Allied Control Commission for Italy that Venezia Giulia would come under the supervision of AMG, provided that any previously established Yugoslav civil administration be allowed toAlexander agreed and assured Tito that AMG supervision would not prejudice Yugoslavia's territorial claims at the peace conference. The latter assurance, however, may have been regardedertain amount of skepticism by the Yugoslavs, whose relations with Italy,to Tito's former Foreign Minister Smcdlaka, have made Uiemof promises "no matter from what quarters they mayhus in the ensuing months, despite Tito's reported pledge not to attempt the outright annexation of Venezia Giulia before the peace conference, there were Indications that such annexation may in fact have been envisaged by other Yugoslav authorities. Onpril, soon after the entry of Partisan troops Into Venezia Qiulia, Borba, the official Yugoslavnewspaper, declared editorially that this territory had already been annexed by local Yugoslav authority upon the capitulation of Italy, that the annexation had been confirmed by tbe Yugoslavnd that "there can be no doubt that the present entry of the Yugoslav Army In this areainal guarantee that the territory already annexed will remain so."'

ay Marshal Tito announced that Partisan troops had reached the Iaonio Riverrood front and had occupied Trieste and Oorizla Twenty-four hours later, however, the British Eighth Armytatement that the same towns had been captured by New Zealand units. The Partisan High Command, clearly nettled by the British claim, which It emphatically contradicted, declared that the entry of Allied units into Trieste and Oorizia "without our permission" might have "un-wlshed-for consequences If this difference Is not immediately cleared up by mutualhe local Partisan command accused the British of violating the Tito-Alexander agreement, and maintained that the military line of demarcation was to have been established wherever the two armies met (allegedly along the Isonzond that theprovided for Yugoslav civil administration even in areas occupied by the British. Increasing tension apparently ledormal request

' Onovember IMS AVNOJ officially "approved" the acuon of the Slovene National Liberation Council In Including "Slovene Prtmorye" (Venexla Giulia) within Free Slovenia In the Federative Yunoilav state.

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by Marshal Tito for the withdrawal across the Isonzo of all eSgnth Array units.

In an effort to avoid any further misunderstanding over theverbal) agreement previously reached by Marshals Alexander and Tito, Alexander sent his Chief of Staff. Lieutenant General Morgan, to Titoayritten memorandum of their agreement. In order to facilitate the working of the agreement he requested thatregular forces be withdrawn from the area, and that any irregular forces either retire or band in their arms to AMO and disband. Marshal Tito, however, replied that the situation had changed, that the problem was now political rather than military, and that he did not Intend to withdraw his forces from tbe territory they had occupied east of the Isonzo River. Tito Insisted that bis civil administration remain Inas well, and added that at the peace conference he would also claim territory west of the Isonzo.

The conflict would appear to be due to the fact that while the Partisans have recognized, under pressure, that "formal annexation" must wait, they continue to regard Venezia Giulia as an integral part of Yugoslavia over which they have political as well as militaryThe Partisans also fear that the Anglo-Americans will Interfere In civil affairs by hindering Partisan mobilization for the armed forces (which already has been proclaimed for all men between the ages of eighteen andor service units, and for reconstruction groups. Throughout Yugoslavia rigid control of manpower has been one of the Partisans' most effective methods of ensuring political support, or at least of preventing active opposition. In the rural areas of Venezia Giulia draft dodgers are reportedly being hunted down asnd in Trieste anti-Yugoslav Italians have been Intimidated by various methods. Including temporary arrest for questioning. Several hundred political prisoners, Including members of the local Italian Committee of National Liberation and other known anti-Fasclsts. are being held by tbe Partisans- The arrest of the Archbishop of Gorizia. which later proved to have been temporary, and the conscription of Catholic clergy led Vatican authorities in Rome to request Anglo-American intervention.

In Trieste the Partisans proceeded tooliticalthough apparently without the participation of the bulk of the population.eeting of the "General Assembly of the City of Trieste" onay the Partisan Town Commander declared that the assembly was composed of "representatives of the great majority of the people oflthough the meeting was hailed in the Yugoslav-controlled newspaper, tfostro Avwnire,istoric manifestation of true democracy, American observers report that the local citizenry was totally Ignorant of the fact that the meeting had been scheduled, and that almost no association has been observed between the Partisans and the Inhabitants of Trieste.

Meanwhile the tension between Yugoslav and Anglo-American authorities over Venezia Giulia was aggravatedomewhat similar

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situauon which developed temporarily In the South Austrian border province of Carinthla, another mixed-population area claimed byEarly In May Marshal Tito reminded Anglo-Americanthat he had received no answer from the Western Allies to histo share in the occupation of Austria. Tito pointed out that he hadavorable reply from Moscow, and added that, in view of the confused military situation, he planned to hold whatever Austrian territory was occupied first by his troops.

In what appears to haveace between the British andforces, the Eighth Army occupied the Austrian border city of Klagen-furtay three hours before the arrival of the Yugoslavs. Villach, an important rail Junction on the line from Trieste through Carinthla. was occupiedimilar manner. The British, however, despite their overwhelming armored strength, did not oppose the entry of Partisan forces, which proclaimed martial law and set up their own military government simultaneously and in the same areas with AMO.hostility appears to have developed between the rival occupation forces, and onay Marshal Alexander requested Marshal Tito to withdraw his troops across the Austrian border.

Onay Acting Secretary of State Orcwublic statement reminding Tito of his earlier acceptance of the principle that AlliedGovernment be established in disputed areas within the Anglo-American theater of operations. Orew pointed out that the problem of Trieste "raises the issue of the settlement of International disputes by orderly process rather than by unilateral action." He added that the disposition of Veneris Olulia and other disputed territories must eithereneral peace conference or be settled by "directfreely entered Into between the partiesnay the position of the British and the United States Governments again was outlined in parallel notes to Marshal Tito requesting that the area of Veneala Glulla which includes Oorlzla, Trieste. Monfalcone, and Pola, together with their lines of communication to Austria, be placedunder the control of Marshal Alexander. It was suggested that Yugoslav forces in this region cooperate with Allied officers ina military government under Alexander. The Initial Partisan reaction was an abrupt request that the United States and British Military Missions to Yugoslavia and their field representatives leave the country.

Onay tension between Yugoslavia and the Western Alliesto have reached its peak. The Yugoslav reply to the parallel notes of Britain and the United States, which waa broadcast over the Belgrade radio, asserted that "the honor of our army and the honor of our country demand the presence of the Yugoslav Army in Istria. Trieste, and the Slovenen the same day Marshal Alexander statedublic message to his forces that he had tried to comeriendly agreement with Marshal Tito but had not succeeded. He pointed out

that the Allies do not oppose Yugoslav territorial aspirations, butthat Tito apparently intends "to establish his claims by force of arms and militaryAction of thise stated, "would be all too reminiscent of Hitler, Mussolini, andlso onay American and British diplomatic and civilian personnel in Yugoslavia were alerted to prepare for the possibility of immediate evacuation, and on the following day, according to press reports. American troops were withdrawn from Trieste to avoid supply problems in the event ofwith Yugoslav forces.

Ifp to the present time Tito's tactics in the crisis have probably added considerably to bis popular support among Yugoslavs at home and abroad. Even among anti-Partisan Serbs there is widespreadfor the annexation of Trieste and Venezia Giulia. The Soviet Union too may be expected to profit In Yugoslavia from the current Impression there that the Yugoslav claims have had Soviet backing.

The further course of Marshal Tito's Government will depend in large measure on the attitude of the USSR. Onay authoritative Partisan sources In Belgrade indicated that Tito was considering, and probably would ultimately accept, with certain provisos over which no difficulty was expected, the substance of the British and American British authorities in Belgrade recommended that the United States and Great Britain should make every effort to help Tito save face If and when he agreed to back down. On the same day Partisan troops began to withdraw from Austrian territory they had occupied. Byay the Yugoslav Communists gave evidence of preparinghift In their party line with an editorial In Burba asserting that "Yugoslavia is not againstransitory military administration In these areas, but only under condition that this administration assures apeople complete legal and factual protection from Fascistimultaneously reports Indicated that diplomatic talks were proceedingriendlier atmosphere, with the probabilityompromisewould provide for the establishment of Allied Militaryhe disputed territory. Under such an agreement. It was anticipated. Yugoslav troops would remain as part of the occupation forces under Marshal Alexander. Yugoslav authorities would agree to cease political activity which the Allies had construed as an effort to incorporate the area Immediately into the Slovene State, and the Allies would guarantee that Fascist elements would not be allowed to retain any form of control.

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