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35
THE NEW YUGOSLAV GOVERNMENT
The amalgamation of the Royal Yugoslav Government-tn-exile with the de facto Partisan administration inside Yugoslavia, long an aim of the major Allies, has been virtually completed with Kingegency councilarch and the formation five days lateroalition cabinet including Marshal Tito as Premier and former Premier Subaslch as Foreign Minister. With the expected addition of some non-Partisan members, the Partisan Council (AVNOJ) is tothe legislative arm of the new provisional government While these measures may be regardedulfillment of Allied recommendations at Yalta, the recommendations themselves were the result of many months' labor, particularly on the part of the British and Soviet
Unification of the Partisan regime with the Royal Government was sought, not only for the sake of constitutional legality, but alsoubstantial proportion of the Serb population loyal to King Peter has remained hostile to the Partisan movement. Allied attempts athad been beset by major difficulties. King Peter, consistentlyby the conservative, pan-Serb politicians of his entourage, strongly resisted attempts to liberalize his regime or tc curtail the royal power. The Partisanonsiderable military force which was not always amenable to Allied pressurewas anti-monarchist and hopedederal organization of Yugoslavia. It drew much of its strength from Croats, Slovenes, and those Serbs who opposed the prewar dictatorship of the royal house and who remain anti-dynastic. This conflict between pan-Serb policy and its federalist opponents, which had undermined the stability of the Yugoslav state before the war, contributed during the German occupation to the active hostility between the Nationalist guerrillas of Mihailovich (then King Peters Minister of War) and the Communist-organized Partisans of Marshal Tito.
The first major step toward reconciliation of the Yugoslav factions came In4 when King Peter, under strong British pressure,Mihailovich as Minister of War. According to British reports, the Partisans then constituted the only effective military force opposing the Germans in Yugoslavia, while at least part of Mlhailovlch's dwindling forces had been collaborating with the enemy. The second step,as King Peter's dismissal, again under British pressure, of the pan-Serb, anti-Partisan cabinet of Premier Punch. In his place Ivaneading member of the Croat Peasant Party and former Ban
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ol Croatia was brought to London from the United States toew government "with the help and support ol all resistance elements inimultaneously King Peter appealed for the postponement of all internal political issues until after the liberation of the country, when, he promised, his people would be "free to express their willthe internal organization of the state."
The appointment of Subasich, the first Croat Premier of Yugoslavia, was the resultong and unsuccessful searcholitical leader who would be acceptable to the King and his Serb supporters, toPartisans, and to the three major Allies. The weakness of Suba-sich's position soon became apparent in his initial Inability toabinet in London. Early In June, however, Subasicheries of meetings with Marshal Tito in Italy and on the British-garrisoned island of Vis, where Tito had fled after the German capture of his headquarters on the Yugoslav mainland. Tito's military reverses and his dependence on the British at Vis may have increased bis willingness to negotiate with Subasich, who had strong British support. In an agreement signed onune, Tito declared his intention of collaborating with the Royal Government, which would continue to represent the country in foreign affairs, while Subasich recognized Tito's military authority and theof his provisional government inside Yugoslavia. Subasich agreed to appoint to his cabinet only persons who had not opposed the Partisan movement and the issue of the monarchy was to be shelved for the duration of the war.
uly Subasich was at last able to announce his cabinet which included one Croat beside himself, two Slovenes, and two Serbs. Two of his Ave ministers were Partisans named by Tito himselfhird was Partisan-sponsored. The chief task of the new government, aside from organizing Allied aid for Tito's forces and coordinating resistancewas considered to be that of winning over the Serb people. In this task, however, the cabinet was handicapped by its Inability to obtain the participation of any Serb minister with substantial following In Serbia itself. Thus {the principal value of) the Subasich government has proved to be valuable principallyransition regime.
The precariousness of Subaslch's position was soonerceptible cooling In Tito's attitude following hiswith Partisan leaders, many of whom were allegedly reluctant to enter into any agreement whatsoever with the Royal Government.after considerable hesitation Tito was persuaded In mid-August to confer with both Churchill and Subasich at Caserta. He then agreed to submit to his Partisanroposal for the eventual establishmentingle coalition government for Yugoslavia.
Meanwhile, although Tito's headquarters remained on Vis, Soviet Influence in Yugoslavia was Increasing with the rapid progress of the Red Army through the Balkans. Oneptember, shortly after theof Soviet forces on the Yugoslav border, Tito, contrary to hiswith the British, left Vis secretly at nightussian plane.
Agreementoint Anglo-Soviet policy for "solution of Yugoslav Internal difficultiesnion between the Royal Yugoslav Government and the National Liberation Movement" was announced from Moscowhurchill-Stalin statement ofctober. The following month Subaslch and Tito, In the presence of members of the Partisan Council, drewraft agreement for the formationnited YugoslavThereupon Subaslch, apparently feeling that an understanding with the Soviets was essential to Partisan Implementation of theproceeded to Moscow, despite an urgent demand by Churchill to return to London first. Contraryeported understanding between Churchill and Stalin, Soviet approval of the agreement was announced before Subaslch arrived bach In London.
Subaslch had been preceded, however, by rumors that the agreement included provisionegency council pending the promised post-war plebiscite on the issue of the monarchy. King Peter, still under theof his pan-Serb advisors, expressed profound dissatisfaction with the trend of Yugoslav politics, and asserted emphatically that, whatever pressure Britain and the USSR might bring to bear, he would notegency. Moreover, he felt that the British were preventing him from buildingolitical following of his own to serveito regime. Those whom the King mentioned asleaders were all either ultra-conservative politicians of the old school or pan-Serbs who had Incurred intense Partisan hostility. This choice suggested either that Peter was politically uninformed or that he was contemplating an outright break with the Partisans-Early In January the King, despite strong British pressure and growing expressions of Impatience from Yugoslavia, publicly denounced the Tito-Subaslch proposalsegency and the delegation of the Partisan Council to function as the temporary legislative authority. Soon after, the Kingew crisis by declaring that he had lost confidence in Premier Subaslch and had requested his resignation. The action was taken despite Prime Minister Churchill's warning that if Peter's endorsement of the Tlto-Subasich agreement wereew days, "thehave to go ahead, hisbeingefore the end of ths month,emporary solution to this new crisis was achievedesult of pressure from high British officials, and of violent antl-royallst outbursts from Partisan Yugoslavia. Onanuary Subaslch resigned and was immediately reappointed by King Peter with specific Instructions "to put In effect the agreement with the Movement of National Liberation."Peter announced that in order to facilitate conclusion of thehe would transfer his royal powersegency council to beby himself.
Although King Peter continued to negotiate with Marshal Tito over appointments to the regency council, it was now increasingly apparent
that the major decisions concerning Yugoslavia awaited settlement by the major powers at the Impending Crimea Conference, and that Peter's influence would be confined largely to expressions of approval or
The Yalta declaration ofebruary, besides advocating theof the Royal Government with the Partisan regime,the addition of members of the prewar Yugoslav Parliament to the Partisan Council In order torovisional legislative body. Immediately thereafter the King agreed to the speedy departure of Subasich and his cabinet for Belgrade. The long negotiations over the regency council endedarch with Peter relmquiahlng his aim of making appointmentsolitical character. His final choice,ist presented by Subasich and Tito,ictory for Tito's view that the regents should be non-political figures who would exercise only formal prerogatives. Faced by the fact that the Subasich cabinet had endorsed Tito's demands, and well aware of the unfavorable reaction both at home and abroad to the crises he had precipitated In London, King Peter apparently chose to yield on the regency rather than forfeit future Allied support.
Establishment of the regency was quickly followed by theof the Subasich cabinet and the Partisan executive committee and by the announcement of the new coalition cabinet with Tito as Premier. In addition to Partisan leaders, the Tito cabinet includes Subasich as Foreign Minister and Milan Grol, leader of the prewar SerbianParty, as Vice Premier. The appointment of Grol. whom Tito had considered unacceptable for the post of regent, reflects Tito's continued desire to build up his following in Serbia. One of Orel's first actshis appointment was totrong statement emphasizing the independence of his Serbian Democratic Party and pleading fortoward non-Partisans. Thus while the new cabineteavy Partisan majority, and while present Partisan domination of Yugoslavia is unlikely to be appreciably affected by the officialof the two regimes, the participation of Oral may winsupport among those Serbs who have hitherto been indifferent or hostile to the Partisan movement.
Original document.
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