Political and Personality Handbook of Iraq J(
Saddam makes most military dicisions on thc basis of bis intuition. Recently, however, he has begun appointing competent, battle-tested to such key positions as Minister of Defense and Chief of tbe Armed Forces General Staff. Wc judge thai these appointments reflect Saddam* desire to improve thc combat effectiveness of Iraq's military forces in the event war breaks out, rather than because of dissension among senior military officers over the invasion of Kuwait, as was rumored inH
Even if Saddam survives thc Persian Gulf crisis with his regime and military intact, Iraq still faces tbe long-term challenge of promoting national unity among many disparate ethnic, religious, and political groups. To do so, Saddam willhe alwaysplay on Iraqi nationalism, enhance his government's religious credentials, extol the nation's glorious past, and increase military and technologicalparticularly byuclear weapon H
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Noie
tea) Backdrop
Iraq
Siruciurc and National Identity
of the Government
Ba'th Pany
Security Services
Husayn and the Men Around Him
Inner Circle
Outer Circle
Miliary Commar.Jcri
Historical Timeline
Key Officials in Iraq
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Iraqich culturalpre-Islamic andhasajor ccnler of power in thc Middle East since ancient times, hi strategic location ai the crossroads of Europe. Asia, and Africa has contributed to its ethnic and religious diversity and it* Iraditionaiiy unstable politics. Irak's history is characterized by the rise and fall of powerfulide array of cultural accompliihmcnli. and several extended periods of foreign domination.^Bf
Iraq (ancrcnl Mesopotamia! i* the birthplace of Near Eastern civilization. Archcological remains al sites in noi'.hcrn Iraq indicate that both agriculture and domestication of animals originated in Iraq in the middle of the seventh. Thc Sumerian civilization, which blossomed during tbe fourth mil-lenmum. had numerous industrial and cultural achievements, including development of airrigation system, invention of the chariot, casting of bronze, use of advanced mathematics, and creation of an accurate lunar calendar. Most important, the Sumerians inventedthatevolved into tbe more abstract cuneiformof lines and wedges Subsequent Mesopotamian empires inherited these advancements, as well as highly developed Sumerian religious andich literary trad : ^|
Sargon ofconsidered one ofHesayn's roleia tbe Akkadian Empire. by conquering thc Sumerian city- nates and uniting the area* of central and southern Iraq The Akkadians' ascendancy placed the Semites over ihe non-SemitK Sumerians. Thcthai eventually brought down thc empire in the second. have plagued ancient and modern Iraqi regimes alike: rapid expansion coupled with incomplete assimilation of ethnically anddiverse conquered peoples, internal rebellions and coop attempts, incursions by northern highland -ers, and maceqaaic natural defenses of thc empire's
The Akkadians were succeeded b> the.. andmpires and periods of foreign domination b> th: Kaisiies. Aramcans. Hit-tites. and Elamites. The Babylonian dynastiesoihcr role models for Saddam: leaders such asl. the famous lawgiver and. ruthless conqueror of Syria and Palestine. Thc Assyrians, known for the brutality of their conquests,ighly efficient, centralized administraiion and large provincial bureaucracy^
Another period of foreign domination began when thc Persians, led by Cyrus, conquered Babylon. They controlled thc area until they. by Alexander the Great. The Parthians swept out of ihe sicppes of Turkestan and
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control of tbe area from tie Greek Sclcucidsarge influxrumeans. andcenturies of political and economic decline during tbe Panhian anderiods brought Iraq'* once glorious ancient culture to an end and prepared ibe way for the Islamic era.IB
The Arab-Islamic conquest that began in the seventh century virtually obliterated thc remnants of earlier Mesopotamia? cultures. Tbe Islamic conquest of Iraq was accomplished, when invading Arab tribesuch larger Persian force atattle still revered in Iraqi history and extolled by Saddam as the equivalent of Waterloo or Gettysburg.
The Abbasid dynasty emergednd brought stability and prosperity to Arab Iraq. Baghdad was foundednd waa perhaps tbe world's greatest center of culture in the ninth century. As in ancient times, the empire's agricultural richness andlocation on thc crossroad! of important trade routes contributed to extensive economic dcvel-opment. Byh century. Baghdad's iradereached from southeastern Europe to Cbina.^l
A slow decline began in thc ninlh century. Political instability, increasing dependence on foreignand mercenaries, increasing urbanization,teady decline in agriculture nnd irrigationall contributed to tbe deterioration. The process was accelerated by the Mongol invasions that began in iheb century and culminated with thc sacking of BaghdadS. H
Four centuric* of chaos followed until ihe Ottoman Turks succeeded9 in wresting control of Iraq from tbe Persian Safa vid dynasty and bead it until the end of World War I. Ottoman government, law. and cultureasting effect on the country andignificant role in determining thc political and social etbos of moderneakening of Ottoman central government inh century, however, began another long period of neglect, economic decay,orruption, and local autornotny.
Two years after tbe defeat of the Ottoman Turkshe San Rcmo Conference assignedandate over Iraq. The British quickly swept away the remnants of Ottoman government andew administration and crnl and criminal codes based on Britain's imperial nructsre.1 ihe Britisholicy ofindiieci rule by installinghy under King Faysal ibn Hussein of the Meccan Hashcrmlc Dynasty {and great uncle of Jordan's King|
Tbe end of Ihe mandate2 and the subsequent withdrawal of direct British rule usherederiod of instability that persisted throughout the reigns of Faysa!'j successors. Ghaii and Faysal II. The regime was plagued by growing nationalist opposition, ethnic and religiouseries of tribal revolts, and coup attempts. Throughout ihis period Britishand econornic inftuer.ee in Iraq remained strong. Tbe British retained the controlling interest in the Iraq Petroleum Company, and, when pro-German officers led by Rashid 'Aliationalist coup, the British invaded and reinstalled the pro-British ruling group. This political environment shaped ihe outlook of Saddam's stepfather (who is also his maternal uncle) Khayrallahraised Saddam after thc young boy's father, Husayn al-Majic mm}
A military-led revolutioneaded by 'Abd al-Karim Oasim. overthrew the British-supportedand eradicated the vestiges of colonialThe coup ended Britain's irifluence, virtually eliminated the Iraqi upper-class old guard fromand inaugurated the domination of Iraqadical nationalist officer corps drawn primarily from the lower middle class Soon after the revolt tbe unity of Ihe revolutionary government eroded, and Qastm faced repeated challenges from Arab nationalists. Qafim was overthrown and killed in3oalition of moderate nationalist officers and members of the Pan-Arab Ba'th Party. An attempt by the Ba'hists to outmaneuver their military allies failed, and in3 Gen. 'Abd al-Saiara 'Arif took control.
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Nationalist military officers held powerS, when they were ousted by tbe Ba'thim, whoore radical form of Arab nationalism andThe Ba'thiiU have presided over tbe moststable period in thc country's modern history. The civilian-led Ba'th Party of Iraq launched an era of major social, economic, and political change.itsears of rule, the Ba'th leadership hasepressive government and secular national institutionsoor, traditionpopulation AVJ
Saddam's Iraq
During the. Saddam Husayn, then Vice Chairman of the ruling Revolutionary Command Councilradually forced President Ahmad Hasan al-Bakr to yield power, he formally replaced him as President inpon assuming thc presidency, he purged the RCC of those he distrusted, executing some of them for alleged pro-SyrianHe also conducted widespread purges of middle-level Ba'thist officials. He carriedecond major purge of the RCC2 and began replacing party hacks with technocrats in ministerial posts. Saddam has consistently and ruthlessly suppressed political opponents and dissidents and has increased his ownthat of his fellow Tikrititbe expense of thc Ba'th Party and the RCC, He also has overcome significant threats to internal stability fromnd Kurdish opposition and faces no internal political constraints on his ambitions.
During eight of Saddam's firstears as President, the country was lockedull-scale war against Iran.months of aiding Iranian exiles and dissidents, attacking Iranian diplomats and facilities, and numerous borderIrann tbe hope of precipitating theof Ibe Khomeini regime. The conflict (the most destructive in modern Middle East history)remendous human and economic toll. Wc estimate that Iraqeadercent of tbe totalthe equivalentillionopulation thc size of thc United States. The war ended inhen Iran's leader, Ayatollih
Ruhollah Khomeini, accepted UN Security Council. Iraq failed to achieve its goals, and the conflict virtually wiped out Iraq's foreignwhich hadillion inleft theillion in debt to non-Arab governments and banks. Shortly after thc invasion of Kuwaitaddam suddenly relinquishedall of Iraq's political and territorial gains in order to secure his eastern flank while he directed his attention
Iraq emerged from the war with the most formidable military force in the Arab world andits brutal takeover of Kuwaitdominate thc Arab world.orldwide embargo against Baghdad and iu nearly iota! isolation in thc work communityesult of its aggression, Saddam remains hrmly in control He views himself as thc rightful leader of tbe Arab world and hopes that Iraq's size, location, abundant oil reserves, andand industrial strength can be used toa great Pan-Arab nation that one day will achieve political and economic parity with the West.
If Saddam extricates himself from the Persian Gulf crisis with his power intact, he faces formidable domestic challenges. He is certain to encounter deep public anger over thc devastating economic andeffects of the crisis and resentment within the military for relinquishing thc few gains of the war with Iran. He must alsoational identity from the country's disparate and disenfranchised ethnic groups and control popular resentment over bis re-pressive rule and ihe lack of political reform.
Social Structure aid National Identity
Tbe development of stable, national political and social structures bas been hampered by tbe country's divergent religious, ethnic, and class groups. With different backgrounds, they have deep-seatedof each other and longstanding resentments. Tbe majority Sbi'a (schismatic) Arabs have always been dominated by the Sunni (ortbodoxl Arabs,inority, control thc government, armed
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gentral. the status of women In Iraq has advanced further than thai of women in most other Arab nations Thton of Iraqi women has changed slowly but ueadily under the Bath fatly, whose doctrine tails for the liberation of women end their full integration into all areas af sociely Thehai adopted laws ihat encourage ihe education and employment of females, ll sponsors child care centers, provides liberal, paid maternity leave, has outlawed sexual discrimination in governmentand has legislated equal pay for equal work. To strengthen the position of women in the nuclear and extended family, the government passed legislation8 curtailing arranged and forced marriages, sub-jecltng polygamy to greater Judicialnd strengthening women's rights in divorce casesM^
Iraq's educational reform program, which was begunas improved literacy among women and. together with the Iran-Iraq war. catapulted them into critical roles in ihe labor force Boih ihe number of women and ihe diversity of work they perform has increased dramatically. Accordingontractor study,Sarticipation of women :r. ihe labor force nearly doubled fromercent toercent Many women, especially those in agriculture and family-owned enterprises, received8 most women were in wage-earning jobt. Forty-six percent of women arepercent at the university level andercent in teacher-training schools Twenty-nine percent of
doctors,ercent of denlisis.ercentercent of civil servants, andercent of construction supervisors are women. Of those elected to the country'snational Assemblyboutercent were women. In contrast, women compriseercentf SO, of ihe Kurdish Legislative Council'(parliament of ihe KurdishRegion) elected
Women's issues in Iraq are championed by iheFederation of Iraqi Women, an organ of the Ba Ih Party thaiembershipembers The federation provides child care and literacy and yob training. Federation volunteer, help organise training in health end child care for makers and professionals aimed at reducing infant mortality, improving posinalal care, and Implementingaggressive immunization program
Notwithstanding the steady progress of Iraqi women toward equality. Islamic-based laws and tribal and family traditions, especially within the moreShi'o and Kurdish communities, still relegate ihemecondary status inddition, women are also likely to face greater Job competition and, possibly, discrimination if Iraq eventually begins large-scale demobilisation of Usillion-member armed forces.
and economy, Thc mosi serious cihnic split is between the Arab majority and tht Kurds, who have beentole ofby occasional cease-fires and periods of nominaldecades
Family and class groupings also divide Iraqi society. Even in urban areas, tbe majority of Iraqis see loyally more in terms of (heir own extended family ihan of any political entity.MU
Since the end of the Iran-Iraq war, which servedallying point for the regime. Suddam has increased efforts loense of Iraqi nationalism. At the center of ihe campaign is the President himself. His cult ofbefore thehim as the rxrsomfieatioti of tbe regime and as the focal point of Iraqi nationalism. Billboards andthroughout Iraq feature Saddam, bigger than life.
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various settings. Major state projects, including Baghdad'sailroad, and an Oilneid bear his name. Iraq's Ministry of Culture and Information, thc regime's propaganda machine, continuously credits Saddam with defeating Iran It abo portrays himreat hero of the Arab world and lauds him for opposing Western imperialism and the United Slates.
Tbe regime looks to Iraq's past as well a* to modern advancements to cultivate nationalism. Thc regime spotlights the country's Mesopotamia^ history.celebrations routinely extol tbe glories of Ihe Sumerian, Akkadian, Babylonian, and AssyrianIn such celebrations Saddam is portrayed as the successor to Sumerian lawgiver Hammurabi, thcempire builder Sargon. and BabylonianNebuchadnezzar. Saddam has lauded and erected statues to heroes of Iraqi nationalism and independence, including Rash idho staged an anti-British coup innd even to the British-supported King Faysalscorned by the Ba'thists as an embarrassing reminder of Western colonialism, but now honored for his Pan-Arabism and his role in establishing Iraqi indepen-gasjjl
Structure of tbe Government
Party and government structures overlap in Iraq, with many of thc same people holding tbe top posts in each. At the top of tbe government is the president, who is elected io an eight-year, renewable term of office. He has broad powers to issue laws, appoint the prime minister, vice presidents, the cabinet, and halfmcmber advisory Shura Council,s to dissolve the National Assembly or thc Shura Council, Iraq's two quasi-legislative bodies. Tbe president is the commander in chief of the armed forces and heads tbe Ba'lh Party, Iraq's only significant political party, which he rules through the Regionaloviet-style presidium
he Revolutionary Command Council (RCC) exercised legislative and executive power by decree. Under0 Constitution it was charged with electing the president, appointing thc cabinet, establishing the country's highest judicial bodies.
supervising the government'! administration, andlaws and treaties. In practice however. RCC decisions arc reflections of Saddam's wishes.et officiallywould disband the RCC and divide iu powersthc president and the, legislature Under0 constitution, supreme legislative and executive authority in Iraq would reside in the
Under ihis constitution thc president theoretically would share power with thc Shura Council and ihe National Assembly. The legislature would approve draft laws and issue decrees on matters of generally less importance than those bandied by thc president. Thc primary function of thc cabinet would be to implement the president's policies. Thc constitution would provide for one or several vice presidenu. who would have mostly nonpolicymaking duties, lnwilh thc terms ofQ Constitution, an Iraqi Kurd has traditionally held the office
The Fictional Assembly. Although tbe NationalIraq's formal legislative body, gives anof shared authority, the regime tightlyiu activities and the selection of candidates. Iraq'sember National Assembly wasinssembly elections are held every four years, and all Iraqis overears of age arc eligible to vote. The Assembly meetsand November-December. Init is authorized to propose and enact laws, ratify the sutc budget and international treaties, debate policy, and supervise government departments, state-run companies, and cabinet members, ln praetice, however, the Assembly functionsubberstamp for the prerogatives of the President- For example,the Assembly conducted extensiveof the Ministry of Healthhich resulted in thc dismissal of tbe Health Minister andf his senior officials for Incompetence and ncgls-
lions were conducted at thc behest of (he regime. The move served the regime's goal of purging corrupt officials while giving the appearanceivision of governmental powers.
The Cultural Conditioning af Iraqis
Iraqis, like other nationalities, exhibit traits that reflect deeply imbedded cultural values and help explain how their leaders perceive the world. Valid or invalid, perceptions of these traits help shape how other countries view and deal wilh theJB
Arab and Western observers are nearly unanimous in their view thai Iraqis ere different from other Arabs. The Arabserm to describe one aspect of the Iraqitabaghdada. An Arabic-English dictionary defines thit es to swagger, to tkrow one's weight around, be fresh, or. more properly, to behave like someone fromusiness guidebook to the Middle East warns that 'within the Arab world Iraqis have always had the reputation af being more insular, suspicious, and more violent than other
Various reasons are given for these traits. Ancient Mesopotamia and the territory tha;now modern Iraq have been throughout their history an open highway for invasion byAlexander the Great to the Mongols. Baghdad was the seat of one of the early caliphates, but. as the Arab empire spread westward, its location on the periphery of the Arab world exposed itonsiderable PersianMoreover, the Iraqisational ethnic identity. They are more heterogeneous than theof most Arab countries, withercent of the population Shi'epercent Sunnipercent Sunni Kurd,ercent Christian and Other ethnic groups. Some scholars of the Middle East attribute the Iraqi national character to thtsometimesof the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers. All themay have some validity, but the strongest factor contributing to Iraqis' uniqueness is probably their intense dislike for the Persians and the fear of IranianB
Iraqis are generally regarded as:
Self-Conndeni and Proud. Iraqis approach other Arabthe West and the Sovietof their strength, position, and abilities. They like to project an image ofTheytrong pride in their unique
Mesopotamian and Islamic heritage Theythe claims of their historical rivals, Cairo and Damascus, to 'megionel leadership. This feeling of superiority is often reflected In irrogeni behavior; Soviet officials have complained repeatedly about such behavior toward the USSR sM
Direct. Iraqis, unlike many Arabs, ere not afraid to let others know where they stand. They tend to say "no" in situations In which many other Arabs would equivocate or even respondyes" lhat at best meansraqis take pride in their frankness andell-earned reputation for hard bargaining.
1 Stubborn. Iraqis tend to see Issues in stark terms and often assume ihey have the higher moral ground in discussions withS diplo-mat described them as loath to change their opinion even if they possess new and contrary information.
Although this isniquely Iraqi characteristic in the Middle East. Iraqisarticularly strong penchant for imagining abehind nearly every regional and domestic political development Bf
This Is probably their most widelytrait. Modern Iraqi history is littered wilh bloody coups, countercoups. and attacks egainst ethnic minorities. Baghdad's use of chemicalagainst its own Kurdish population, iu forced extle of_
Persistent. Once embarkedoal. Iraqis tend lo pursue it wilh bulldog lenacity. If. for example, efforts to acquire embargoed arms, chemicalagents, advanced weapons, or nuclearare blocked, they turn to gray and black markets, blackmail, and cover companies
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Since the end of (he Iran-Iraq war thc government has narrowed the qualifications for candidates for the Assembly tooalescing of opposition to Saddam. Candidates for the Assembly mustamong otherleastears old;ilitary veteran or legally exempt from service, and must not have bad property confiscated under the Ba'thist's land reform and nationalization laws.being bore in Iraq of an Iraqi father, amother must also be of non foreign blood or be an Arab residing in an Aiabandidate must profess belief in Ba'thist principles and must haveontribution to the war effort Electroncommittees enable thc government and the party to closely monitor the electoral process and vet candidates for their loyalty to Saddam. Theyfrom consideration many Kurds. Shi'asthose of Iraniannd even loyal Ba'lhistt with dissentingelling example of thequest for ever tighter control of the Assembly was tbe election of Sa'di MabdiSunni member of the Ba'ih Party Regional Command from Saddam's hometown ofSpeaker of9 Assembly.
The Shun Council. In addition to the National Assembly, Iraqmall advisory body known as thcouncil, unlike the Assembly, it does not draft laws Its primary function is to consult with the President on key political, economic, legal, andissues. According to0 constitution, tbeouncilappointed by the President andubliclyfive-year terms. Inthe Council also approves laws and monitors various ministries Like tbe National Assembly,Ihe Council acts primarilyubbersiamp for the President. 00
Tbe new constitution0 appeared on thc verge ol being implemented when Saddam invaded Kuwait and halted any movement toward political reform. When and if thc constitution is formally promulgated, it would replace the provisiorial one that has been in force since8 Ba'thist coup but would not significantly alter the way Iraq is governedBaghdad has touteds an important move toward democratization. The new document provides
for greater freedom af the press, judicialand formation of new political parties. It purportedly would guarantee universal suffrage and eventual presidential elections. It supposedly would also safeguard individual rights, including peaceful free assembly, protection from illegal search or entry, and the innocenceefendant until provetl guilty. For tbe mot: part, however, the new constitution is a' legal fiction that. ever, ifudopted. will do nothing to limit Saddam's power.gH
Such reforms, moreover, are not likelyeduce tbe power of the ruling elite. Saddam and his fellow Tikiitis will continue to ensure thc fealty of the Assembly, the judiciary, the media, and otherof government The constitution wouldto limit ihe activities and membership of political parlies and lo give the president broad authority to suspend individual freedoms under the guise ofnational security fmmma]
The Ba'ih Party
Although the role of the Arab Socialist Resurrection (Ba'ih'l Party in Iraqi politics and decisionmaking has declined significantly under Saddam Husayn. iuand apparatus are fundamental for legitimizing ihe regime's exercise of power. Thc party serveseans to vet future Iraqi leaders for loyally and to check ibe political pulse of ihe ration Itecular political party, organized3 by two Syrians, Michel Aflaq and Salah al-Din Blur. The Ba'ih Party spliteftwing military faction seized power in Syria and forced moderate civilian Ba'ih elements to move lo Beirut, where they stayed until ihe Ba'ih Party seized power in Baghdad inhe Ba'th Party of Iraq has dominated politics in Iraq since then Although tbe rival Iraqi and Syrian groups espouse similar philosophies of Arab national-ism and socialism, they remain enemies. HI
The ideology of the Ba'ih Party is embodied in iu motto "Unity. Freedom.a'thists are essentially secular Arab nationalists committed lo the eventual unity of the Arab world and fieedom from
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foreign. especially Western, oooirol Tbcysup-port Hale control of thc economy, particularly or largeven: jcci-mulitior. or large private 'ortuno Oirmg thcseveral years, twwevex. the regime ha* diluted these teaeit b> encouraging *aie-secior tnvoUcmeni aae: b> rcdyCing the govern-mew's role in thc economy, especially in thelight industry, ami service sectors, bv admitting non-Arabs into party ranks, and by focusing on Iraqi national rather th-rn Pan-Arab ittwi
The Ba'ih PartyosnpjMrncr.iilized. pyramdi) structure, similartasssc Communist system Thc cell, composed of three lo seven indivrd uals. is ihe basic unit. Twoeven cells makeiveection, tworanch;umber ofregion" or country, which is directedegional Command.hkh each branch it directly representedthe Regional Command rs thc National Com-micd. which includes ihe party's representauves from all Arab countries The party! emphasis on compjr;-menialization. discipline, and secrecy stems from its longr clandestine activity. Recruitment and indocirm-tion arc carefully controlled. Candidates remain on probation for five to eight years before being accepted a* foil members
Ta* Security Services
Iraq's security servicesritical role tnSaddam's control and in implementing hisSaddam,ew close relative* and irusled supporters from the Tikriti area, directly controls Iraq's security services He does noi hesitate to purge disloyal officials and encourages different agencies to monitor each other The services, which pervade every area of Iraqi society and goverameni. are emp oyed by Saddam to intimidate or eliminate rivalsow the public.flaaaaiB
The security services perpetrate many oi Iraq'srights violations and contribute to an overall hL.tian rights record that in earlybefore the invasion of Kuwsi
The Iraqi Inielligenee Semite. The IIS (Jiha* al-Mukhabarat al-lraqi) commonly called ihe Mukha-barat (civilian intelligence) is headed by Saddam'ser Saba- Ibrahim ai-Tikr::. .'j- 3eer. overseeing Iraq's pacuicatsM activities in occup ed Kuwait since0 The IIS has us fOOlt in the Public Rebiiont Bureau, thearty's security organ thai Saddam Husayn formed and headedhe US reached the peak of its power 'n thcnder the directorship of Barzan al-Ttkriti.Bji brother. Saddam dismissed Barzan and Sab'awi. then one ot' Barzan's deputies. from the IISJ. probably because he tuspectedwere using their positions toolitical power base. Sab'awi was reinstated in I*
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Directorate of Militarybe DMI. the intelligence branch of the Army, has grown in me and importance over the last decade because of the war withrime function of the DMI is to closely monitor the loyalty of the military. It also assesses the military capabilities of Iran, Israel.and neigliborine Arab
[Il fulfills general security functions inside and outside the country and cooperates with thc IIS and DGS in counterinsurgency and surveillance against Kurdish and Shi'a dissic
Ssddam llusayn and tbe Men Around Him
As President. Chairman of the RCC, Commander of the armed forces, and secretary general of thc Ba'th Party, Saddam Husayn makes all key policy decisions in Iraq- His sense ofunite the Arab world
and ultimately lead it to parity with the West-combined with his characteristically suspicious view of the world fuels much of his political behavior. Heational, calculating decisionmaker. Nevertheless, Saddamisk laker, and bis xenophobic world view colors histhat raise his chances of miscalculating Over the past decade, we have found his leadership style to be characterized by several ehavioral patterns, including:
An unswerving commitment to bis vision, along with an ability to rebound with vigor from temporary setbacks as he did early in the war with Iran after significant losses, which included Iran's seizure of Al Faw and other Iraqi territory.
A respect for strength, accompanied by awillingness to use any means necessary-including torture, mass murder, orachieve his objectives and intimidate any resistance.
Toe flexibility to make tactical retreats whenwith overwhelming odds
Saddam has survived for four decades in Iraq's volatile, "survival of the fittest" political culture, where the cost of bad judgmenu is often death. His experiences, particularly his danger-filled,existence during much of, have contributed lo his self-reliance andof others. Saddam periodically purges andthc civilian and military leadership to prevent potential rivals from developing independent bases of support. He also skillfully balances power within his family.3 he removed his half brothers from control of the security services and replaced them with cousinsifferent branch of the family, ia pan because his half brothers were trying to build power bases. Their reinsuwment9 to positions of authority reflects, in part. Saddam's ongoingto manage rivalries within his clan and to preserve his personal bold on
erspective is parochial and xenophobic. He views the world primarily through military and political lenses. Hiswe believe, much of bisdominated by themes ofArab solidarily, antl-tmperialism.ostalgia
Arab "lostaddam harbors anger and contempt for what he views as the vestigesh-century Western colonialism tn the Arab world,t)
Saddam is willing to inflict sacrifices on his people that would not be tolerated by Western societies. He has emphatically stated for moreecade that Iraqis and Arabs must be willing to suffer if Palestine to be regained and parity with the West achieved
Saddam is hard to deal with. He views the world as threatening and undependable and tends to suspect others with whom he interacts of having ulterior motives or of working against him. He distrusts subordinates and colleagues, docs not seek their(or intimidates them from offeringndrelies on his intuition and savvy. He is ruthless and is Bncoocerned about world public opinion unless it is backed up with force that he believes will be used
Saddam's Penoaaltly Cull. "Saddam it Iraq aad Iraq is Saddam "
becoming Presidentaddam Husayn has used stale propaganda organsultivate an elaborate personality cult lhat presents him as the personification ol the iiaie. His strategicin starting the unpopular eight-ytor war with Iran only heightened hn need to convince ihethat theurvival depended on hisHe crafts Hi image by controlling all means of communication and orchestrating an unremittingof radio, television, and press reports thai praise his achievements, both real and contrived, and laud the advances made by Iraq during his tenureto Saddam are virtually omnipresent in Baghdad:
Walls and billboards carry slogans such asHusayn Cods Gift to Iraq and the Arab ft alio*."
Adulatory songi about Saddamtandard on Iraqi television and in any nightclub
Iraqisnd watches that carry his image.
Marchers at regime-staged ceremonies chantsuch as. "Our souls, our blood, we sacrifice foe you Saddam
_JSaddam
isonsciousness of Iraq's historical grrei-ness and linking himselft:
Saddam'sd birthday celebration at his hometown af Tikril Included banners with slogans such at your candles Saddam are the torches for allableau ihai iho-td three ancientand Harunshepherds worshipping Saddam,cene that depictedSaddam rockingradle in Iraq's southern marshes, paralleling the famous birth narrative of the ancient Akkadian emperor Sargon.
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Saddam respects only strength He rules by icr-or and intimidation and will avoid any activity orif. in his view, it would make him appear weak or cowardly His proclivity is to view himselfictim and his aggression against others as self, defense.!
Saddam behaves unreasonably by Western norms. He is rational in thc sense that his values and actions arc logical, consistent, and consonant with Iraqi political culture.
members of Saddam's inner circle share and reinforce his anti-Western stand and parochial world view, and they ruthlessly implement his policiei.
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Key Miuiars Commanders
Saddam makes military decisionsn ihe basis of experience and intuition. He appear.handful of officersmplemem his orders andnsure ihe loyally of ihe resi of theppoimmeni of Sa'di Tosh al-Jabburihi "ai on0 a* Defense Minuter, and his appoinimeni of Husayn Rashid al-Muhdmnud0 as Chief o'ihe Armed Forces General Staff, indicate thai he is rilling- kev posii.ons wuh baulc-iesied men choscr. Tor their competence Both men are among frac,ost capable and experienced military commanders. They replaced ihe kind of senior office's thai Saddam is comfortable wiih ia peacel.me- politically ioyal but not especiallyas be learaed at very high cost during thc -ar with Iran, they -ere aot the mJiiary leaden he needed lo win battles. We judge that neiiber appoinimeni indicates, or is in reaction lo. dissension in the senior ranks of ihe miliary over the invasion ol Kuwait. fJJH
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